Opinion / Columnist
Tongogara's overt hostility toward Herbert Chitepo
08 Mar 2025 at 18:22hrs | Views
Tongogara's overt hostility toward Herbert Chitepo eventually led to unfounded accusations that he had been responsible for Chitepo's death, despite a lack of supporting evidence. Chitepo was killed by a car bomb in March 1975, but what was clear was that Tongogara, using his position as the head of the army, had surrounded Chitepo with "guards" who were personally loyal to him. These guards, assigned to protect Chitepo, were also tasked with spying on him and reporting on his meetings and communications. During this period, the ZANLA security department, under the leadership of Cletus Chigove, began performing a dual function - providing protection while simultaneously monitoring the individual they were meant to safeguard. This dual role continued after independence when the ZANLA security department became part of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO). Chitepo quickly realized he was surrounded by hostile forces within the very group assigned to protect him.
Tongogara's suspicion of Chitepo stemmed from his handling of the trial of the Nhari rebels. Tongogara believed that Chitepo had been too lenient with the rebels, who had disrupted the liberation struggle and killed some 70 guerrillas who refused to join their rebellion. Tongogara's suspicion was further fueled by the fact that Chitepo shared the same ethnic group, the Manyika, as some of the rebels' supporters, including Simpson Mutambanengwe and Noel Mukono. Tongogara's response was brutal: he ordered the execution by firing squad of the rebels left in his custody, a decision that would have significant consequences for both ZANLA and ZANU, and for the liberation struggle as a whole.
Ultimately, it was the execution of the Nhari rebels that significantly weakened Tongogara's influence in the power struggles that followed. When Tongogara attempted to suppress opposition from the Vashandi group led by Wilfred Mhanda and Sam Geza, and later from the older political figures led by Henry Hamadziripi and Rugare Gumbo, he was unable to eradicate these factions as decisively as he had done with the Nhari group. The power he had gained as executioner was effectively diminished by the rise of new political leaders within ZANU - Robert Mugabe and Simon Muzenda - who were acutely aware of the tragic fate of the Nhari group.
As a result, when conflicts between Tongogara and his opposition escalated, Mugabe and Muzenda quickly facilitated intervention by the Mozambican authorities, who detained these opposition groups until independence was secured. Had Tongogara's faction refrained from executing their critics, they might have emerged from the war as a stronger and more united force. However, their reliance on force and executions to impose their views, viewing political opponents as "sell-outs" and "traitors," led to their eventual marginalization after independence. Perceived as killers by both outsiders and their opponents within ZANU and ZANLA, they were neutralized in the post-independence period.
Tongogara's veterans, however, resurfaced in the war veterans' revolt of 1997, playing a key role in the land resettlement program of 2000-02. With their peasant roots, the issue of land resonated deeply with them, and they became a powerful force in shaping the political landscape in the years following independence.
Tongogara's suspicion of Chitepo stemmed from his handling of the trial of the Nhari rebels. Tongogara believed that Chitepo had been too lenient with the rebels, who had disrupted the liberation struggle and killed some 70 guerrillas who refused to join their rebellion. Tongogara's suspicion was further fueled by the fact that Chitepo shared the same ethnic group, the Manyika, as some of the rebels' supporters, including Simpson Mutambanengwe and Noel Mukono. Tongogara's response was brutal: he ordered the execution by firing squad of the rebels left in his custody, a decision that would have significant consequences for both ZANLA and ZANU, and for the liberation struggle as a whole.
Ultimately, it was the execution of the Nhari rebels that significantly weakened Tongogara's influence in the power struggles that followed. When Tongogara attempted to suppress opposition from the Vashandi group led by Wilfred Mhanda and Sam Geza, and later from the older political figures led by Henry Hamadziripi and Rugare Gumbo, he was unable to eradicate these factions as decisively as he had done with the Nhari group. The power he had gained as executioner was effectively diminished by the rise of new political leaders within ZANU - Robert Mugabe and Simon Muzenda - who were acutely aware of the tragic fate of the Nhari group.
As a result, when conflicts between Tongogara and his opposition escalated, Mugabe and Muzenda quickly facilitated intervention by the Mozambican authorities, who detained these opposition groups until independence was secured. Had Tongogara's faction refrained from executing their critics, they might have emerged from the war as a stronger and more united force. However, their reliance on force and executions to impose their views, viewing political opponents as "sell-outs" and "traitors," led to their eventual marginalization after independence. Perceived as killers by both outsiders and their opponents within ZANU and ZANLA, they were neutralized in the post-independence period.
Tongogara's veterans, however, resurfaced in the war veterans' revolt of 1997, playing a key role in the land resettlement program of 2000-02. With their peasant roots, the issue of land resonated deeply with them, and they became a powerful force in shaping the political landscape in the years following independence.
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