Opinion / Columnist
ZANU PF's Push to Scrap Term Limits Echoes 1987 Power Grab
5 hrs ago | Views
ZANU PF is laying the groundwork for a new constitutional amendment aimed at removing presidential term limits, in a move that closely mirrors the 1987 changes that allowed Robert Mugabe to become Zimbabwe's Executive President. This time, the goal is clear, to keep President Emmerson Mnangagwa in power beyond 2030, with some in the ruling party pushing a narrative that frames him not just as a leader, but as a reincarnation of Zimbabwe's legendary King Munhumutapa.
Inside party structures and affiliated groups, preparations are underway to build support for what would be a second major constitutional alteration in Zimbabwe's post -independence history designed solely to extend one man's hold on power.
In 1987, ZANU PF pushed through a constitutional amendment that abolished the post of Prime Minister, merged the executive and ceremonial roles and created an imperial presidency for Robert Mugabe. Term limits were not included. That change ended any hope of democratic power sharing and entrenched one man rule for the next three decades.
Now, nearly 40 years later, the ruling party is preparing to do it again, this time targeting the term limits introduced in the 2013 Constitution.
President Mnangagwa, now in his second term, is constitutionally required to step down in 2028. However, multiple high ranking ZANU-PF officials have publicly and privately floated the idea of a constitutional amendment to allow him to remain in power until 2030.
What makes this push different and more dangerous is this cultural packaging accompanying it. Mnangagwa has been repeatedly described in rallies, state media and party affiliated speeches as a modern-day King Munhumutapa, evoking a powerful image of an African sovereign who rules not by election but by destiny.
This is not metaphorical flattery, it is calculated political engineering. By casting Mnangagwa in the role of an ancestral king, ZANU PF is seeking to:
a) Justify lifetime leadership under the guise of cultural heritage;
b) Suggest that democratic processes such as elections or term limits are "Western constructs" that undermine traditional African leadership;
c) Position Mnangagwa above political competition, as a divinely sanctioned leader whose tenure should not be questioned.
A ZANU PF youth leader in Mutoko declared at a rally: "We are not just led by a president, we are led by Munhumutapa himself. Why should kings be limited by terms?"
Under Zimbabwe's current Constitution, adopted in 2013 with broad public consultation, a president may only serve two five-year terms. That means Mnangagwa's final term should end in 2028. But ZANU PF's two thirds parliamentary majority, combined with its influence over state institutions, means it has the power to amend the Constitution legally, but undemocratically.
Sources within Parliament confirm and the draft of a proposed amendment to remove term limits are circulating within party circles. If passed, the amendment would open the door for Mnangagwa to run in 2030, and potentially rule for life.
This would effectively reverse one of the key reforms achieved during the Government of National Unity (GNU) era and send Zimbabwe hurtling back toward the authoritarian model that defined the Mugabe years.
History is repeating itself. In 1987, the abolition of the Prime Minister's role and the creation of an executive presidency gave Robert Mugabe the tools to govern unchecked. Today, those same mechanisms coupled with the erosion of democratic culture and the use of symbolic nationalism are being weaponised to keep Emmerson Mnangagwa in office beyond his constitutional mandate.
The strategy is simple, normalise the extension of power, use culture to insulate the leader from criticism and legislate away accountability. What begins as a legal amendment ends in political monarchy.
Civil society groups, constitutional lawyers and ordinary Zimbabweans are sounding the alarm. The Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) and other watchdogs have warned that changing the Constitution for political convenience undermines the rule of law and risks plunging the country into deeper instability.
Public protests may be inevitable if the ruling party moves forward with its plans. But with dissent tightly controlled and independent voices under constant threat, the battle to defend the Constitution is steeply uphill.
As the 2028 elections approach, Zimbabwe may not just be deciding who will be its next president but whether it remains a republic at all. If the ZANU PF project succeeds, Mnangagwa will not simply win another term. He will ascend to something closer to a throne.
From Prime Ministers in colonial Rhodesia to Prime Ministers abolished in independent Zimbabwe, the evolution of leadership has always mirrored the political intent of those in power. In 1987, that intent was clear, permanent rule. In 2025, the mission is the same, only the name has changed.
This time, the president is not just a man. He is "King Munhumutapa."
Engineer Jacob Kudzayi Mutisi
Inside party structures and affiliated groups, preparations are underway to build support for what would be a second major constitutional alteration in Zimbabwe's post -independence history designed solely to extend one man's hold on power.
In 1987, ZANU PF pushed through a constitutional amendment that abolished the post of Prime Minister, merged the executive and ceremonial roles and created an imperial presidency for Robert Mugabe. Term limits were not included. That change ended any hope of democratic power sharing and entrenched one man rule for the next three decades.
Now, nearly 40 years later, the ruling party is preparing to do it again, this time targeting the term limits introduced in the 2013 Constitution.
President Mnangagwa, now in his second term, is constitutionally required to step down in 2028. However, multiple high ranking ZANU-PF officials have publicly and privately floated the idea of a constitutional amendment to allow him to remain in power until 2030.
What makes this push different and more dangerous is this cultural packaging accompanying it. Mnangagwa has been repeatedly described in rallies, state media and party affiliated speeches as a modern-day King Munhumutapa, evoking a powerful image of an African sovereign who rules not by election but by destiny.
This is not metaphorical flattery, it is calculated political engineering. By casting Mnangagwa in the role of an ancestral king, ZANU PF is seeking to:
a) Justify lifetime leadership under the guise of cultural heritage;
b) Suggest that democratic processes such as elections or term limits are "Western constructs" that undermine traditional African leadership;
c) Position Mnangagwa above political competition, as a divinely sanctioned leader whose tenure should not be questioned.
A ZANU PF youth leader in Mutoko declared at a rally: "We are not just led by a president, we are led by Munhumutapa himself. Why should kings be limited by terms?"
Under Zimbabwe's current Constitution, adopted in 2013 with broad public consultation, a president may only serve two five-year terms. That means Mnangagwa's final term should end in 2028. But ZANU PF's two thirds parliamentary majority, combined with its influence over state institutions, means it has the power to amend the Constitution legally, but undemocratically.
Sources within Parliament confirm and the draft of a proposed amendment to remove term limits are circulating within party circles. If passed, the amendment would open the door for Mnangagwa to run in 2030, and potentially rule for life.
This would effectively reverse one of the key reforms achieved during the Government of National Unity (GNU) era and send Zimbabwe hurtling back toward the authoritarian model that defined the Mugabe years.
History is repeating itself. In 1987, the abolition of the Prime Minister's role and the creation of an executive presidency gave Robert Mugabe the tools to govern unchecked. Today, those same mechanisms coupled with the erosion of democratic culture and the use of symbolic nationalism are being weaponised to keep Emmerson Mnangagwa in office beyond his constitutional mandate.
The strategy is simple, normalise the extension of power, use culture to insulate the leader from criticism and legislate away accountability. What begins as a legal amendment ends in political monarchy.
Civil society groups, constitutional lawyers and ordinary Zimbabweans are sounding the alarm. The Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) and other watchdogs have warned that changing the Constitution for political convenience undermines the rule of law and risks plunging the country into deeper instability.
Public protests may be inevitable if the ruling party moves forward with its plans. But with dissent tightly controlled and independent voices under constant threat, the battle to defend the Constitution is steeply uphill.
As the 2028 elections approach, Zimbabwe may not just be deciding who will be its next president but whether it remains a republic at all. If the ZANU PF project succeeds, Mnangagwa will not simply win another term. He will ascend to something closer to a throne.
From Prime Ministers in colonial Rhodesia to Prime Ministers abolished in independent Zimbabwe, the evolution of leadership has always mirrored the political intent of those in power. In 1987, that intent was clear, permanent rule. In 2025, the mission is the same, only the name has changed.
This time, the president is not just a man. He is "King Munhumutapa."
Engineer Jacob Kudzayi Mutisi
Source - Engineer Jacob Kudzayi Mutisi
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