News / National
Zimbabwe's last chance
10 Jun 2011 at 08:30hrs | Views
SADC leaders meet in South Africa for what is expected to be one of the final conflict management stages of the Zimbabwean crisis at which the long-awaited adoption of a process, with indelible benchmarks and signposts for progress, leading to a credible and legitimate election.
The summit, on the sidelines of a separate tri-partite series of consultations, is supposed to formally adopt the landmark decisions and counsel of the SADC troika presented at the sub-committee's meeting in Livingstone, Zambia. The endorsement of troika's resolutions was deferred to this week's meeting in Windhoek, Namibia, two weeks ago because of the absence of the facilitator, President Jacob Zuma, then tied-up with other pressing national commitments.
The meeting takes place against a frantic effort by Zanu PF and Robert Mugabe to down play the troika's observations and suggestions; to influence a change of course for sanity in Zimbabwe; and to introduce fresh impediments to a smooth transition to a full democracy in Harare. An earlier attempt in Windhoek fizzled out after Zanu PF tried to undermine the troika's resolutions by mounting a belated and futile diplomatic offensive in which the former ruling party tried to explain itself.
With an array of moribund ideas, documents and a propaganda blitz, Zanu PF sneaked what it called its position on the future that sought to portray the MDC as a roadblock to progress; contained a tired nationalist line; a whimper on the so-called sanctions against Zimbabwe; a misguided call for an early election to abort the Global Political Agreement; and a desire to prematurely terminate the Inclusive Government. The position failed to find its way into the official SADC file as the regional leaders paid scant attention to call for a review of Livingstone.
Zimbabweans are fortunate to see their resilience pay off at a time when Zanu PF resembles an embattled frat house, reeling with factionalism and confusion and where yester-nationalists struggle to discern the basic boundary between modern-day political civility and openly salacious, historical deceptions about the colonialism. The new generation, the majority, can see through that and refuse to be seduced through dishonest, patriotic history.
What makes the Zanu PF paper wholly in appropriate is that it narrows the dispute in Zimbabwe to a single issue of elections at a time when SADC prefers to handle the crisis in a holistic manner, a process the people and the MDC see as the only appropriate approach to Harare's multi-faceted social and economic emergency and decades old political malady.
At the centre of the crisis is Zanu PF's denial that it is the principal author of the political impasse and national dilemma after the region gave Mugabe a last chance to redeem Zanu PF through a transitional arrangement in which all Zimbabweans could work out a flexible transformation programme leading to legitimacy. SADC entered the fray upon realising that Zimbabwe was, and still is, a country in quick sand.
For 27 months Zanu PF has stalled progress on the implementation of the GPA through political intransigence and insincerity in a forlorn hope of trying to buy back hearts and minds; and to destroy the MDC. While Mugabe and Zanu PF re-stated their commitment to the GPA in the desperate Windhoek position paper, SADC already knows that the party has violated the letter and spirit of the agreement through deceit, an internal leadership deficit, policy confusion, uncertainty and a fear of the unknown.
For example, Zanu PF's traditional embed to the security sector, in particular the rogue elements, has proved to be pretty unhelpful as this powerful interest group continue to call the shots; directing the party's political life; and dishing out incoherent orders to subvert a Constitutional civilian order for personal gain.
While the party's political wing might agree on certain fundamental changes, it has watched with awe as these positions are quickly vetoed and discarded by the security sector which erroneously views itself as the cog, the fulcrum and the spindle of the Zimbabwean revolution.
The sector flatly refuses to subject itself to a Constitutional order and does not recognise the presence of civilian authority in governance. The MDC, with the support of SADC, and the people of Zimbabwe revere and acknowledge the liberation struggle as a pivotal precursor to democracy.
But they firmly believe and uphold the reality that the struggle paved the way for the capture, by the majority, of a national legislative, executive and judicial independence under a Constitutional and civilian order as the sole legitimate actor in public and political affairs. The right of the people to make far-reaching choices in a climate of total freedom shall always remain a local guide and an international obligation for all Zimbabweans.
After Zanu PF's defeat on the 29 March 2008 election, Mugabe lacks the mandate to represent his other partners in the Inclusive Government on matters governing the politics of the transition under the GPA.
The regime in Harare is a coalition brought about through SADC's mediation aimed at moving Zimbabwe out of a political crisis to a sustainable, comprehensive political solution – not just to another election.
SADC and the MDC accept and agree that the common, specific threat to Zimbabwe that led to the current coalition has yet to be retired. In particular:
• The machinery that destabilised politics and distorted electoral outcomes in favour of Zanu PF is still intact; Zanu PF banditry and the subversion of the rule of law still persist.
• Intimidation remains widespread countrywide.
• Service chiefs have yet to recognise Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai more than two years after he began to share executive authority with Mugabe.
• Warlords, partisan war veterans and the Zanu PF militia continue to roam around villages and in the streets with daily threats, hate speech, anarchy directed at the people.
• The military is now engaged in commercial, civilian activities in a direct contradiction with its Constitutional mandate.
• The premature talk of an election has polarised Cabinet, parliament, national institutions and the people.
• The 24 agreed positions due for implementation remain unattended to by the Inclusive Government because of Zanu PF's lack of interest and the absence of a political will.
• Key players in the state sector still view and treat the MDC and civil society as enemies of Zimbabwe.
• The absence of the supremacy of the people in Zimbabwe's political culture is still evident as the security sector ignores the need for an independent civilian oversight and civilian inspection mechanisms of its role in a democracy.
Because of the factors cited above, an environment for a free and fair election does not exist in Zimbabwe today.
As long as such a climate remains elusive, the MDC and SADC maintain that no credible or legitimate elections shall be possible, certainly not this year.
Click here for The Real Change Times Issue 071 of 2011
The summit, on the sidelines of a separate tri-partite series of consultations, is supposed to formally adopt the landmark decisions and counsel of the SADC troika presented at the sub-committee's meeting in Livingstone, Zambia. The endorsement of troika's resolutions was deferred to this week's meeting in Windhoek, Namibia, two weeks ago because of the absence of the facilitator, President Jacob Zuma, then tied-up with other pressing national commitments.
The meeting takes place against a frantic effort by Zanu PF and Robert Mugabe to down play the troika's observations and suggestions; to influence a change of course for sanity in Zimbabwe; and to introduce fresh impediments to a smooth transition to a full democracy in Harare. An earlier attempt in Windhoek fizzled out after Zanu PF tried to undermine the troika's resolutions by mounting a belated and futile diplomatic offensive in which the former ruling party tried to explain itself.
With an array of moribund ideas, documents and a propaganda blitz, Zanu PF sneaked what it called its position on the future that sought to portray the MDC as a roadblock to progress; contained a tired nationalist line; a whimper on the so-called sanctions against Zimbabwe; a misguided call for an early election to abort the Global Political Agreement; and a desire to prematurely terminate the Inclusive Government. The position failed to find its way into the official SADC file as the regional leaders paid scant attention to call for a review of Livingstone.
Zimbabweans are fortunate to see their resilience pay off at a time when Zanu PF resembles an embattled frat house, reeling with factionalism and confusion and where yester-nationalists struggle to discern the basic boundary between modern-day political civility and openly salacious, historical deceptions about the colonialism. The new generation, the majority, can see through that and refuse to be seduced through dishonest, patriotic history.
What makes the Zanu PF paper wholly in appropriate is that it narrows the dispute in Zimbabwe to a single issue of elections at a time when SADC prefers to handle the crisis in a holistic manner, a process the people and the MDC see as the only appropriate approach to Harare's multi-faceted social and economic emergency and decades old political malady.
At the centre of the crisis is Zanu PF's denial that it is the principal author of the political impasse and national dilemma after the region gave Mugabe a last chance to redeem Zanu PF through a transitional arrangement in which all Zimbabweans could work out a flexible transformation programme leading to legitimacy. SADC entered the fray upon realising that Zimbabwe was, and still is, a country in quick sand.
For 27 months Zanu PF has stalled progress on the implementation of the GPA through political intransigence and insincerity in a forlorn hope of trying to buy back hearts and minds; and to destroy the MDC. While Mugabe and Zanu PF re-stated their commitment to the GPA in the desperate Windhoek position paper, SADC already knows that the party has violated the letter and spirit of the agreement through deceit, an internal leadership deficit, policy confusion, uncertainty and a fear of the unknown.
For example, Zanu PF's traditional embed to the security sector, in particular the rogue elements, has proved to be pretty unhelpful as this powerful interest group continue to call the shots; directing the party's political life; and dishing out incoherent orders to subvert a Constitutional civilian order for personal gain.
While the party's political wing might agree on certain fundamental changes, it has watched with awe as these positions are quickly vetoed and discarded by the security sector which erroneously views itself as the cog, the fulcrum and the spindle of the Zimbabwean revolution.
The sector flatly refuses to subject itself to a Constitutional order and does not recognise the presence of civilian authority in governance. The MDC, with the support of SADC, and the people of Zimbabwe revere and acknowledge the liberation struggle as a pivotal precursor to democracy.
But they firmly believe and uphold the reality that the struggle paved the way for the capture, by the majority, of a national legislative, executive and judicial independence under a Constitutional and civilian order as the sole legitimate actor in public and political affairs. The right of the people to make far-reaching choices in a climate of total freedom shall always remain a local guide and an international obligation for all Zimbabweans.
After Zanu PF's defeat on the 29 March 2008 election, Mugabe lacks the mandate to represent his other partners in the Inclusive Government on matters governing the politics of the transition under the GPA.
The regime in Harare is a coalition brought about through SADC's mediation aimed at moving Zimbabwe out of a political crisis to a sustainable, comprehensive political solution – not just to another election.
SADC and the MDC accept and agree that the common, specific threat to Zimbabwe that led to the current coalition has yet to be retired. In particular:
• The machinery that destabilised politics and distorted electoral outcomes in favour of Zanu PF is still intact; Zanu PF banditry and the subversion of the rule of law still persist.
• Intimidation remains widespread countrywide.
• Service chiefs have yet to recognise Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai more than two years after he began to share executive authority with Mugabe.
• Warlords, partisan war veterans and the Zanu PF militia continue to roam around villages and in the streets with daily threats, hate speech, anarchy directed at the people.
• The military is now engaged in commercial, civilian activities in a direct contradiction with its Constitutional mandate.
• The premature talk of an election has polarised Cabinet, parliament, national institutions and the people.
• The 24 agreed positions due for implementation remain unattended to by the Inclusive Government because of Zanu PF's lack of interest and the absence of a political will.
• Key players in the state sector still view and treat the MDC and civil society as enemies of Zimbabwe.
• The absence of the supremacy of the people in Zimbabwe's political culture is still evident as the security sector ignores the need for an independent civilian oversight and civilian inspection mechanisms of its role in a democracy.
Because of the factors cited above, an environment for a free and fair election does not exist in Zimbabwe today.
As long as such a climate remains elusive, the MDC and SADC maintain that no credible or legitimate elections shall be possible, certainly not this year.
Click here for The Real Change Times Issue 071 of 2011
Source - The Real Change Times
