The rise and fall of Morgan Tsvangirai

FROM a trailblazing labour leader who transformed into a fiery democracy activist who came within a whisker of deposing one of Africa's strongmen, to the sorry sight of his furniture strewn outside his house pending seizure, Morgan Tsvangirai has lived across extremes.

The leader of the opposition MDC-T took the gamble and challenged President Robert Mugabe, the only leader Zimbabwe has known since majority rule from Britain almost four decades ago, to form a political party "literally" out of the ashes of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) in 1999.

So popular was Tsvangirai that his call to either stay away or go to work was an order to thousands of workers. At his peak, he called on Mugabe to "go peacefully or we will remove you violently".

Tsvangirai had Mugabe's military generals out of their barracks sensing power slipping through their fingers, leading to the late General Vitalis Zvinavashe's infamous "straight jacket statement" hours before Zimbabweans trooped to the polls in 2002.

Riding on the crest of a wave of emotion and open resentment for Zanu-PF among Zimbabweans, Tsvangirai threatened the very foundations of Mugabe's rule.

The opposition leader was arrested on the eve of the 2002 poll on treason charges but he soldiered on and gave Mugabe a good run for his money, albeit in a losing cause.

However, questions about his leadership style began to emerge amid reports of the existence of the divisive element christened "the kitchen cabinet" fronted by deep-pocketed Ian Makone. The MDC management committee or Top Six as it was then known was disbanded, but not before a public row that resulted in a split on October 12 2005.

Tsvangirai was accused of disregarding a democratic internal vote that rejected participation in senatorial elections.

"It is the only point I think the likes of Welshman Ncube [former secretary general] were right. He left the party along with Tendai Biti but Biti was later to be persuaded to return and he did.

Tsvangirai would re-invent himself after the 2005 debacle to almost upstage Mugabe in 2008 before the Zimbabwean strongman resorted to his default mode — violence and anarchy — to force his way under a project code named "VaMugabe muoffice by ginya" [Mugabe in office by hook or crook]".

Indeed, Mugabe forced his way back into the presidency. However, pressure from regional leaders took its toll and the nonagenarian was forced into a shaky coalition with Tsvangirai that lasted four years. This was the beginning of the end for the opposition leader.

In 2013 after a protracted four years in which Zimbabwe went through a constitutional reform exercise, Mugabe called for a general election. Tsvangirai emerged from the poll battered, bruised and vanquished but once gain cried murder most foul — the election was rigged, he charged. While most people sympathised with him, his argument remained pedestrian. It had little in the form of evidence to buttress the claims.

Enter another internal revolt. Some of Tsvangirai's closest lieutenants who reportedly had, over the years, been scheming behind his back to topple him, demanded an early congress. The demand was rejected leading to another split.

With reports indicating that Tsvangirai rejected a sponsored retirement prior to last year's split, the second inside a decade, University of Zimbabwe lecturer and political watcher Eldred Masunungure argued the MDC-T leader missed the train.

"He lost his chance and missed opportunities. One does not need to have been a president to be a statesman and in any case, he was a prime minister. By now Tsvangirai would have found his place among global political giants. Tsvangirai would have been a common feature at many a democratic symposium and talk shows as a trendsetter in Zimbabwe," he said.

Asked if there is no chance that Tsvangirai might resuscitate his floundering career, Masunungure said; "There is no place anymore for his resurrection. It is unlikely but I would say it is improbable".

At the height of his power Tsvangirai reportedly paid off a staggering $300 000 to a woman after a few months' flirtation in the aftermath of the tragic death of his first wife Susan. Others point to this incident as the genesis of Tsvangirai's undoing. Susan had been his pillar of strength, they argue.

Political analyst Ibbo Mandaza however argues that while Tsvangirai might be past his prime, he will forever remain a torch-bearer in the country's democratic struggle from whom future generations could take inspiration.

"I think he has played his part and will remain a symbol of the democratic struggle in Zimbabwe well into the future. For us in the National Convergence Platform, it is time for the under 50s and we hope outside the influence of the current crop of politicians, our young people will take the initiative to lead this country into the future." Mandaza said.

Masunungure concurred, but seemed more convinced that Tsvangirai had been bitten by a political bug synonymous with African dictators.

"It is not just the case with the personality that is Morgan Tsvangirai but also the politics around him. His most fatal error was in 2013 when he failed to depose Mugabe for the third time running. At that point he must have passed on the baton. He had done his best and whether a younger person or older was to take over was immaterial," Masunungure said.

It remains to be seen if Tsvangirai can regain his mojo. The picture of his furniture strewn on the lawn outside the government house that has also become an object of ridicule from his peers tell one thing, according to critics. It may be over!