News / Press Release
2018 elections and civil military relations in Zimbabwe - Dr Gorden Moyo
27 Dec 2017 at 14:21hrs | Views
PEOPLE'S RAINBOW COALITION (PRC)
2018 ELECTIONS AND CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN ZIMBABWE
A paper presented at the Public Policy Research Institute of Zimbabwe (PPRIZ) Seminar in Bulawayo on 27 December 2017
Dr Gorden Moyo - Secretary General (PRC)
We are in it win it
The People's Rainbow Coalition's policy position on '2018 Elections and Civil-Military Relations in Zimbabwe' is premised on the following:
- Domestic and International Law including; the Zimbabwe Constitution; the Defence Forces Act; and the National Defence Policy of Zimbabwe as well as the AU Constitutive Act, all of which provide a framework for democratic Civil Military Relations (CMR);
- People's Rainbow Coalition (PRC) Resolution of Friday 15 December 2017 which states that "the current Government of Zimbabwe is suffering from a crisis of legitimacy as a result of its mode of ascension to power". To be sure, the Mnangagwa-Administration came to power at the back of an unconstitutional military action on 15 November 2017; and
- PRC Structural Composition, whose membership is significantly former liberation struggle veterans and ex-members of the security services. Moreover, the PRC's Presidential Candidate Dr Joice Teurai Ropa Mujuru is not only a former Vice President of the Republic of Zimbabwe but also an ex-Freedom Fighter with extensive experience on Civil –Military Relations norms.
This presentation therefore makes the case that security sector transformation is a fundamental component of the 2018 Elections in Zimbabwe. Its main argument and recommendations are as follows: 1. Zimbabwe's laws including the Defence Forces Act and the Constitution prohibit the military from participating in politics and from partisan interference in electoral politics. Further, the mission statement and objectives of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces clearly spell out that the army and other forces should provide protection and security of Zimbabwe's territorial integrity and independence without siding with any political formation in the country (see Section 208 (2) (a) to (d) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe).
2. The events of 13, 14 and 15 November 2017 inaugurated a new but unacceptable Civil -Military Relations in Zimbabwe. To be sure, the Zimbabwe Defence Forces seized control of the State thereby violating the Constitution of Zimbabwe and the AU Constitutive Act.
3. General Sibusiso Moyo and General Constantino Chiwenga openly declared that the action of the military was meant to restore the legacy of ZANU PF by ensuring that the ruling party and its revolutionary objectives were not hijacked. This was in direct violation of Section 208 of the Constitution and other international laws and regulations strictly prohibiting partisan conduct of the security establishment in a democracy.
4. Zimbabwe is currently under the de facto control of a group of generals who operate under a veneer of a civilian cabinet. Quite instructively, the military commanders who masterminded Emerson Mnangagwa's takeover of Government of Zimbabwe on 15 November 2017 are now in-charge of Government for instance, General Constantino Chiwenga is now the Vice President of both the country and ZANU PF, Lt General Sibusiso Moyo is now the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Trade and Lt General Perence Shiri is now the Minister of Lands, Agriculture and Rural Settlement.
5. Viewed from this perspective, the expanded role of the military in politics, economy and government makes Mnangagwa a mere rubber stamping organ that endorses policies and policy ideas generated from KGVI military head quarters. Effectively speaking, Zimbabwe has now joined the league of Burma, N Korea, Pakistan and the like.
6. Apparently, the military's role in forcing Mugabe out and their continuing presence as key political players presents a major challenge to the rule of law, constitutional order and electoral democracy. While the military has announced the end of its Operation Restore Legacy, evidence on the ground indicates that a number of Zimbabwe's key institutions are still 'policed' by the army.
7. The rise of the military on November 2017 casts a dark cloud on the 2018 Elections. Clearly, the military has emerged as the bedrock of Mnangagwa and political commissar for ZANU PF towards the 2018 Elections. Besides, the military sees itself as the creator, guardian, protector, warrantor and underwriter of the Mnangagwa- Administration.
8. Sources close to ZANU PF indicate that the military has demanded, and ZANU PF has agreed that at least 25% of all legislative seats that ZANU PF will contest must be reserved for serving or retired military personnel. With these high military stakes on the table, the 2018 Elections will be bloody, unless something is done by SADC, AU and UN.
9. In fact, the recent electoral history of Zimbabwe is replete with acts of Electoral Terrorism by the members of the armed forces including acts of violence and intimidation, arson and murder, including a vicious repression campaign against the members of the opposition parties, civil society, academia and labour in 2000, 2002, 2005, 2008, 2013 not to mention the 1980 killing fields in Manicaland and Masvingo provinces. And the 1980s Gukurahundi operation in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces.
10. PRC believes in the canons of the Constitution which provide for democratic Civil-Military Relations where the military is subservient to civilian control. The civilian control of the military is a sine qua non of a modern democracy. In this set up the military corps stay in the barracks while politicians stay out of the barracks.
11. To this extent, security sector transformation is crucial if the upcoming 2018 Elections are to be seen to be credible, free and fair. This includes ensuring that all public statements and actions of the military reflect a commitment to a strictly neutral political role in accordance with the Constitution and international law.
12. Thus, going forward, PRC demands that the military must disentangle and completely separate itself from partisan politics and interference in the country's political and electoral affairs. It is unacceptable in a democracy to politicise the military, as it is to militarise political and civilian institutions.
13. PRC is also calling for the establishment of an Independent Mechanism for receiving and investigating complaints from the members of the public about the misconduct on the part of the military, and for remedying any harm caused by such misconduct as defined by Section 210 of the Constitution.
14. To this extent, PRC is calling for an enhanced role of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security of SADC and the relevant African Union Commission Organs in the preparations and the actual holding of the 2018 Elections in order to ensure their integrity.
15. PRC also demands that Government dissolves ZEC. Currently several senior ZEC staff members are either serving or retired members of the security establishment. The security institution cannot remain as the elections manager, as has been the case since 2000- ZEC must be civilianised.
16. If Zimbabwe is to genuinely prepare for free, fair and credible elections that comply with SADC Principles and Guidelines on the Conduct of Democratic Elections in 2018, where violence or intimidation play no part, then SADC, AU and UN must play an integral role.
17. PRC is therefore calling upon the SADC, AU and UN to urgently engage the Zimbabwean military with a view to restore professionalism, independence and non-partisanship.
18. Further, PRC is calling upon SADC, AU and UN to press Mnangagwa to facilitate unfettered, long term elections observation by both domestic and international observers. This should include SADC, AU and UN deploying their own long term observer missions in Zimbabwe in sufficient numbers well in advance of the 2018 Elections to monitor the situation and make recommendations for credible, free and fair elections.
19. PRC is also calling upon SADC, AU and UN to send a public message that partisanship by Zimbabwe's security forces during the elections could result in a refusal to endorse the 2018 Elections outcome.
20. Further, PRC calling for public media reforms; depoliticisation of the traditional leadership authority; mechanisms for voter registration and casting of the vote by the diaspora population; establishment of Electoral Courts in each of the Provinces; and provision for Independent Election Material Auditors in each stage of the 2018 Election.
21. Finally, in his inaugural speech as President on 24 November 2017 and on his State of the Nation Address (SONA) made in Parliament on Wednesday 20 December 2017 Mnangagwa promised Zimbabweans free, fair and credible elections in 2018. If his word means something, then all the recommendations espoused in this presentation must be implemented in time for the 2018 elections.
NB. This paper does not reflect a full menu of electoral reforms and a whole gamut of Civil-Military Relations as espoused by PRC, rather, this is just a snap shot meant to trigger a deeper debate on 2018 Elections and the role of the military in a democracy.
I thank you
Dr Moyo is also the Secretary General of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) which is a member of the People's Rainbow Coalition (PRC).
2018 ELECTIONS AND CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN ZIMBABWE
A paper presented at the Public Policy Research Institute of Zimbabwe (PPRIZ) Seminar in Bulawayo on 27 December 2017
Dr Gorden Moyo - Secretary General (PRC)
We are in it win it
The People's Rainbow Coalition's policy position on '2018 Elections and Civil-Military Relations in Zimbabwe' is premised on the following:
- Domestic and International Law including; the Zimbabwe Constitution; the Defence Forces Act; and the National Defence Policy of Zimbabwe as well as the AU Constitutive Act, all of which provide a framework for democratic Civil Military Relations (CMR);
- People's Rainbow Coalition (PRC) Resolution of Friday 15 December 2017 which states that "the current Government of Zimbabwe is suffering from a crisis of legitimacy as a result of its mode of ascension to power". To be sure, the Mnangagwa-Administration came to power at the back of an unconstitutional military action on 15 November 2017; and
- PRC Structural Composition, whose membership is significantly former liberation struggle veterans and ex-members of the security services. Moreover, the PRC's Presidential Candidate Dr Joice Teurai Ropa Mujuru is not only a former Vice President of the Republic of Zimbabwe but also an ex-Freedom Fighter with extensive experience on Civil –Military Relations norms.
This presentation therefore makes the case that security sector transformation is a fundamental component of the 2018 Elections in Zimbabwe. Its main argument and recommendations are as follows: 1. Zimbabwe's laws including the Defence Forces Act and the Constitution prohibit the military from participating in politics and from partisan interference in electoral politics. Further, the mission statement and objectives of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces clearly spell out that the army and other forces should provide protection and security of Zimbabwe's territorial integrity and independence without siding with any political formation in the country (see Section 208 (2) (a) to (d) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe).
2. The events of 13, 14 and 15 November 2017 inaugurated a new but unacceptable Civil -Military Relations in Zimbabwe. To be sure, the Zimbabwe Defence Forces seized control of the State thereby violating the Constitution of Zimbabwe and the AU Constitutive Act.
3. General Sibusiso Moyo and General Constantino Chiwenga openly declared that the action of the military was meant to restore the legacy of ZANU PF by ensuring that the ruling party and its revolutionary objectives were not hijacked. This was in direct violation of Section 208 of the Constitution and other international laws and regulations strictly prohibiting partisan conduct of the security establishment in a democracy.
4. Zimbabwe is currently under the de facto control of a group of generals who operate under a veneer of a civilian cabinet. Quite instructively, the military commanders who masterminded Emerson Mnangagwa's takeover of Government of Zimbabwe on 15 November 2017 are now in-charge of Government for instance, General Constantino Chiwenga is now the Vice President of both the country and ZANU PF, Lt General Sibusiso Moyo is now the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Trade and Lt General Perence Shiri is now the Minister of Lands, Agriculture and Rural Settlement.
5. Viewed from this perspective, the expanded role of the military in politics, economy and government makes Mnangagwa a mere rubber stamping organ that endorses policies and policy ideas generated from KGVI military head quarters. Effectively speaking, Zimbabwe has now joined the league of Burma, N Korea, Pakistan and the like.
6. Apparently, the military's role in forcing Mugabe out and their continuing presence as key political players presents a major challenge to the rule of law, constitutional order and electoral democracy. While the military has announced the end of its Operation Restore Legacy, evidence on the ground indicates that a number of Zimbabwe's key institutions are still 'policed' by the army.
7. The rise of the military on November 2017 casts a dark cloud on the 2018 Elections. Clearly, the military has emerged as the bedrock of Mnangagwa and political commissar for ZANU PF towards the 2018 Elections. Besides, the military sees itself as the creator, guardian, protector, warrantor and underwriter of the Mnangagwa- Administration.
8. Sources close to ZANU PF indicate that the military has demanded, and ZANU PF has agreed that at least 25% of all legislative seats that ZANU PF will contest must be reserved for serving or retired military personnel. With these high military stakes on the table, the 2018 Elections will be bloody, unless something is done by SADC, AU and UN.
10. PRC believes in the canons of the Constitution which provide for democratic Civil-Military Relations where the military is subservient to civilian control. The civilian control of the military is a sine qua non of a modern democracy. In this set up the military corps stay in the barracks while politicians stay out of the barracks.
11. To this extent, security sector transformation is crucial if the upcoming 2018 Elections are to be seen to be credible, free and fair. This includes ensuring that all public statements and actions of the military reflect a commitment to a strictly neutral political role in accordance with the Constitution and international law.
12. Thus, going forward, PRC demands that the military must disentangle and completely separate itself from partisan politics and interference in the country's political and electoral affairs. It is unacceptable in a democracy to politicise the military, as it is to militarise political and civilian institutions.
13. PRC is also calling for the establishment of an Independent Mechanism for receiving and investigating complaints from the members of the public about the misconduct on the part of the military, and for remedying any harm caused by such misconduct as defined by Section 210 of the Constitution.
14. To this extent, PRC is calling for an enhanced role of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security of SADC and the relevant African Union Commission Organs in the preparations and the actual holding of the 2018 Elections in order to ensure their integrity.
15. PRC also demands that Government dissolves ZEC. Currently several senior ZEC staff members are either serving or retired members of the security establishment. The security institution cannot remain as the elections manager, as has been the case since 2000- ZEC must be civilianised.
16. If Zimbabwe is to genuinely prepare for free, fair and credible elections that comply with SADC Principles and Guidelines on the Conduct of Democratic Elections in 2018, where violence or intimidation play no part, then SADC, AU and UN must play an integral role.
17. PRC is therefore calling upon the SADC, AU and UN to urgently engage the Zimbabwean military with a view to restore professionalism, independence and non-partisanship.
18. Further, PRC is calling upon SADC, AU and UN to press Mnangagwa to facilitate unfettered, long term elections observation by both domestic and international observers. This should include SADC, AU and UN deploying their own long term observer missions in Zimbabwe in sufficient numbers well in advance of the 2018 Elections to monitor the situation and make recommendations for credible, free and fair elections.
19. PRC is also calling upon SADC, AU and UN to send a public message that partisanship by Zimbabwe's security forces during the elections could result in a refusal to endorse the 2018 Elections outcome.
20. Further, PRC calling for public media reforms; depoliticisation of the traditional leadership authority; mechanisms for voter registration and casting of the vote by the diaspora population; establishment of Electoral Courts in each of the Provinces; and provision for Independent Election Material Auditors in each stage of the 2018 Election.
21. Finally, in his inaugural speech as President on 24 November 2017 and on his State of the Nation Address (SONA) made in Parliament on Wednesday 20 December 2017 Mnangagwa promised Zimbabweans free, fair and credible elections in 2018. If his word means something, then all the recommendations espoused in this presentation must be implemented in time for the 2018 elections.
NB. This paper does not reflect a full menu of electoral reforms and a whole gamut of Civil-Military Relations as espoused by PRC, rather, this is just a snap shot meant to trigger a deeper debate on 2018 Elections and the role of the military in a democracy.
I thank you
Dr Moyo is also the Secretary General of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) which is a member of the People's Rainbow Coalition (PRC).
Source - Gorden Moyo
