Opinion / Columnist
The opposition struggle in Zimbabwe
05 Sep 2017 at 11:53hrs | Views
Many who have followed the political scene in Zimbabwe are wise enough to know that the political sector is dominated largely by President Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF).
Zimbabwe since the attainment of independence in 1980 has only known one leader, Robert Mugabe. He has been at the helm since day one and even at the ripe age 93 is seeking yet another 5 year term in 2018 which could see him rule until the age of 99. However, Mugabe is increasingly showing signs of old age.
The media is usually awash with various images of him falling asleep or video clips of him disseminating inaccurate information. In one instance Mugabe seemed not to know what the date was. These signs of incapacitation are evident for any spectator to see and this also applies to members of ZANU PF who are circling the presidency like blood thirsting vultures.
The fight within ZANU PF, under normal circumstances, should be good news for the opposition parties but it seems the opposition is also embroiled in its own power struggles. More importantly, however, the opposition in Zimbabwe faces a number of challenges in upsetting the power dynamics in Zimbabwe.
The lines between the ruling party in Zimbabwe and the government are blurred. Some might actually argue that the line is non-existent. This is exactly why opposition parties in Zimbabwe struggle against the state machinery as it serve the interests of ZANU PF. Take for instance the current debate surrounding voter registration. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) has members who sing to the tune of ZANU PF and it is likely that this process will be extremely frustrating in opposition strongholds.
From as early as 1980 Mugabe has used a strong system of patronage which continues to serve him to this day and this comes to his rescue especially in election periods. In 2008, Zimbabwe probably had its first credible election in the post-independence era. The playing field was level with the opposition being given the opportunity to campaign freely using state owned media platforms. Zimbabwe still has one national television broadcaster and it usually serves ZANU PF propaganda. The 2008 case was different as Morgan Tsvangirai and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) freely aired their adverts on state run television station.
This resulted in ZANU PF losing its majority in the parliament as well as losing the first round of the election. I am not going to dwell on the details of the 2008 election but the point I want to make here is that ZANU PF has learnt from 2008 and it will not allow the same scenario to pan out again.
In fact one of the reasons ZANU PF has been able to stay in power has been its ability to target particular areas in Zimbabwe which it knows it will win through any means possible. For instance it has been argued that majority of ZANU PF votes come from the rural areas. The party resorts to using all methods possible to win the rural vote either through providing food parcels, opening internet cafes, vote rigging and even intimidation. ZANU PF also uses state funds which gives it a massive advantage when fighting its opposition parties.
A prominent lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe provides us with the political structures in the country. In his book, Zimbabwe: Mired in Transition, he states that ZANU PF allows the opposition to challenge less influential sects of governing. When it comes to the presidency or "the throne" all sorts of "spanners" are thrown towards anyone perceived as close to assuming the role of the Presidency. This was exactly was transpired in 2008 when the MDC claimed to have won the presidency. Rather than conceding defeat, ZANU PF pulled all stops to ensure that Mugabe and not Tsvangirai would become President of Zimbabwe.
The structures that ZANU PF has built since 1980 have seen the party being able to maintain its stranglehold on the presidency. Many are quick to judge the opposition and label it weak and indisicive but in my opinion the odds are heavily stacked against it. Yes, a number of issues need to be addressed in the opposition ranks like demanding electoral reforms but even that might not still be enough. The system that ZANU PF has built is a well-oiled machine that is obsessed with power retention and until that system is done away with, the opposition parties will struggle to make any meaningful progress.
Zimbabwe since the attainment of independence in 1980 has only known one leader, Robert Mugabe. He has been at the helm since day one and even at the ripe age 93 is seeking yet another 5 year term in 2018 which could see him rule until the age of 99. However, Mugabe is increasingly showing signs of old age.
The media is usually awash with various images of him falling asleep or video clips of him disseminating inaccurate information. In one instance Mugabe seemed not to know what the date was. These signs of incapacitation are evident for any spectator to see and this also applies to members of ZANU PF who are circling the presidency like blood thirsting vultures.
The fight within ZANU PF, under normal circumstances, should be good news for the opposition parties but it seems the opposition is also embroiled in its own power struggles. More importantly, however, the opposition in Zimbabwe faces a number of challenges in upsetting the power dynamics in Zimbabwe.
The lines between the ruling party in Zimbabwe and the government are blurred. Some might actually argue that the line is non-existent. This is exactly why opposition parties in Zimbabwe struggle against the state machinery as it serve the interests of ZANU PF. Take for instance the current debate surrounding voter registration. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) has members who sing to the tune of ZANU PF and it is likely that this process will be extremely frustrating in opposition strongholds.
From as early as 1980 Mugabe has used a strong system of patronage which continues to serve him to this day and this comes to his rescue especially in election periods. In 2008, Zimbabwe probably had its first credible election in the post-independence era. The playing field was level with the opposition being given the opportunity to campaign freely using state owned media platforms. Zimbabwe still has one national television broadcaster and it usually serves ZANU PF propaganda. The 2008 case was different as Morgan Tsvangirai and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) freely aired their adverts on state run television station.
This resulted in ZANU PF losing its majority in the parliament as well as losing the first round of the election. I am not going to dwell on the details of the 2008 election but the point I want to make here is that ZANU PF has learnt from 2008 and it will not allow the same scenario to pan out again.
In fact one of the reasons ZANU PF has been able to stay in power has been its ability to target particular areas in Zimbabwe which it knows it will win through any means possible. For instance it has been argued that majority of ZANU PF votes come from the rural areas. The party resorts to using all methods possible to win the rural vote either through providing food parcels, opening internet cafes, vote rigging and even intimidation. ZANU PF also uses state funds which gives it a massive advantage when fighting its opposition parties.
A prominent lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe provides us with the political structures in the country. In his book, Zimbabwe: Mired in Transition, he states that ZANU PF allows the opposition to challenge less influential sects of governing. When it comes to the presidency or "the throne" all sorts of "spanners" are thrown towards anyone perceived as close to assuming the role of the Presidency. This was exactly was transpired in 2008 when the MDC claimed to have won the presidency. Rather than conceding defeat, ZANU PF pulled all stops to ensure that Mugabe and not Tsvangirai would become President of Zimbabwe.
The structures that ZANU PF has built since 1980 have seen the party being able to maintain its stranglehold on the presidency. Many are quick to judge the opposition and label it weak and indisicive but in my opinion the odds are heavily stacked against it. Yes, a number of issues need to be addressed in the opposition ranks like demanding electoral reforms but even that might not still be enough. The system that ZANU PF has built is a well-oiled machine that is obsessed with power retention and until that system is done away with, the opposition parties will struggle to make any meaningful progress.
Source - Gwinyai Taruvinga
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