Opinion / Columnist
Tsvangirai must let go
12 Feb 2014 at 11:36hrs | Views
Zanu-PF is convinced that Morgan Tsvangirai's ignorance is more than enough to give them everlasting political survival. They now seem to believe that ruling in perpetuity can succeed on the basis of the weaknesses in the MDC-T under Tsvangirai's leadership and not on the basis of the implementation of its own policies.
Tsvangirai's leadership has been riddled with weakness, ineptitude, erroneous judgment and indecisiveness. These weaknesses are evidenced by numerous incidences where the MDC-T has ended up seriously being disadvantaged and losing political ground. The gravity of this tragedy was witnessed during the tenure of the inclusive government as the MDC-T ended up being equaled to Zanu-PF, owing to the leadership deficiencies. The agenda for change was abandoned as Tsvangirai became cosy with Mugabe while enjoying pancakes and tea at State House. The militancy, insistence and clarity on critical issues, including the negotiated outstanding issues, were neglected as the MDC-T president sought to address his personal issues at the expense of the democratisation agenda.
One lesson we have learnt in studying the political developments in Zimbabwe is that alternative movements are built within particular national contexts and often these movements reproduce and assimilate aspects of the undemocratic culture they are attempting to challenge and transform. The findings show this process has been too apparent in the crises that have debilitated this movement's problems of accountability violence and organisational failure leading to an uncomfortable similarity between the politics of the MDC-T and those of Zanu-PF. Part of the explanation for this disturbing trend has been that the repressive conditions under which the opposition has operated have necessitated a certain measure of communalism in opposition structures.
It is really sad that the MDC-T has been placed firmly on this path with undesirable consequences. Violence is now being used against fellow members. The party's deputy treasurer Elton Mangoma, who was arrested for saying Mugabe must go is now being vilified for exercising his democratic right to say Tsvangirai must also consider stepping down.
I have worked close to Tsvangirai for some years, I know his weaknesses and strengths first hand. I know how much we have concealed for this man to portray him for what he is not. Take the example of violence. All commissions of violence have pointed at him and his close aids who have now come back to haunt this organisation. The split with Welshman Ncube and team was partly influenced by the violent streak in this man.
His biggest weakness is his indecisiveness and error of judgment. The case involving numerous women in his life and the manner he dealt with them glaringly exposes this weakness. The manner in which he was dribbled left, right and centre by Mugabe before and during the tenure of the inclusive also confirms his true indecisive nature.
The issue of his house is revealing. After the MDC-T pulled out of government Mugabe asked his lieutenants what could be done to appease the MDC-T. He was informed that Tsvangirai's main bone of contention was not the Roy Bennett case but the issue of his house. This is when Mugabe instructed the then Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono to give Tsvangirai $1,5 million to purchase the house. After the deposit was made, the MDC was railroaded back into government by Tsvangirai.
Coming to the July 31 election, the question is why would someone accept to go into an election which did not even conform to his own minimum conditions that the MDC-T had set? It was clear from the onset that the outcome of the election was predetermined. An election without a voter's roll, media reforms, security sector reforms, legislative reforms and the harmonisation of laws to the new constitution was always going to be an exercise in futility. The decision to participate in the election was also against sound advice from countries like South Africa, Tanzania, Malawi and Botswana. I guess Tsvangirai and the MDC-T were so caught up in the euphoria and believed the election was already won.
Another grave weakness that is inherent in Tsvangirai is that he is a man who does not take lightly to criticism. During my tenure as director of security, we advised Tsvangirai on numerous occasions on issues that affected the programmes of the party. He would pay a deaf ear to our advice and was now captured and hoodwinked by the kitchen cabinet even on personal issues.
These are the very same issues and observations contained in Mangoma's letter. Tsvangirai failed to pursue the reform agenda in government while he had executive powers while putting effort on flimsy issues. Party funds were also directed to issues that had nothing to do with the people's project, as reports in the media now confirm.
Millions of people have sacrificed their lives towards the fight for democracy in Zimbabwe with some paying the ultimate price. Many have been kidnapped, raped and tortured, I have been a victim too. The house in Highlands is a serious case of self-aggrandisement at the expense of the people who have supported Morgan Tsvangirai to be the man he is today. This issue raises further questions as to his source of funds to be used to buy this house, currently valued at four million dollars.
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Chris Dhlamini is a former Director of Security in the MDC-T.
Tsvangirai's leadership has been riddled with weakness, ineptitude, erroneous judgment and indecisiveness. These weaknesses are evidenced by numerous incidences where the MDC-T has ended up seriously being disadvantaged and losing political ground. The gravity of this tragedy was witnessed during the tenure of the inclusive government as the MDC-T ended up being equaled to Zanu-PF, owing to the leadership deficiencies. The agenda for change was abandoned as Tsvangirai became cosy with Mugabe while enjoying pancakes and tea at State House. The militancy, insistence and clarity on critical issues, including the negotiated outstanding issues, were neglected as the MDC-T president sought to address his personal issues at the expense of the democratisation agenda.
One lesson we have learnt in studying the political developments in Zimbabwe is that alternative movements are built within particular national contexts and often these movements reproduce and assimilate aspects of the undemocratic culture they are attempting to challenge and transform. The findings show this process has been too apparent in the crises that have debilitated this movement's problems of accountability violence and organisational failure leading to an uncomfortable similarity between the politics of the MDC-T and those of Zanu-PF. Part of the explanation for this disturbing trend has been that the repressive conditions under which the opposition has operated have necessitated a certain measure of communalism in opposition structures.
It is really sad that the MDC-T has been placed firmly on this path with undesirable consequences. Violence is now being used against fellow members. The party's deputy treasurer Elton Mangoma, who was arrested for saying Mugabe must go is now being vilified for exercising his democratic right to say Tsvangirai must also consider stepping down.
I have worked close to Tsvangirai for some years, I know his weaknesses and strengths first hand. I know how much we have concealed for this man to portray him for what he is not. Take the example of violence. All commissions of violence have pointed at him and his close aids who have now come back to haunt this organisation. The split with Welshman Ncube and team was partly influenced by the violent streak in this man.
His biggest weakness is his indecisiveness and error of judgment. The case involving numerous women in his life and the manner he dealt with them glaringly exposes this weakness. The manner in which he was dribbled left, right and centre by Mugabe before and during the tenure of the inclusive also confirms his true indecisive nature.
The issue of his house is revealing. After the MDC-T pulled out of government Mugabe asked his lieutenants what could be done to appease the MDC-T. He was informed that Tsvangirai's main bone of contention was not the Roy Bennett case but the issue of his house. This is when Mugabe instructed the then Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono to give Tsvangirai $1,5 million to purchase the house. After the deposit was made, the MDC was railroaded back into government by Tsvangirai.
Coming to the July 31 election, the question is why would someone accept to go into an election which did not even conform to his own minimum conditions that the MDC-T had set? It was clear from the onset that the outcome of the election was predetermined. An election without a voter's roll, media reforms, security sector reforms, legislative reforms and the harmonisation of laws to the new constitution was always going to be an exercise in futility. The decision to participate in the election was also against sound advice from countries like South Africa, Tanzania, Malawi and Botswana. I guess Tsvangirai and the MDC-T were so caught up in the euphoria and believed the election was already won.
Another grave weakness that is inherent in Tsvangirai is that he is a man who does not take lightly to criticism. During my tenure as director of security, we advised Tsvangirai on numerous occasions on issues that affected the programmes of the party. He would pay a deaf ear to our advice and was now captured and hoodwinked by the kitchen cabinet even on personal issues.
These are the very same issues and observations contained in Mangoma's letter. Tsvangirai failed to pursue the reform agenda in government while he had executive powers while putting effort on flimsy issues. Party funds were also directed to issues that had nothing to do with the people's project, as reports in the media now confirm.
Millions of people have sacrificed their lives towards the fight for democracy in Zimbabwe with some paying the ultimate price. Many have been kidnapped, raped and tortured, I have been a victim too. The house in Highlands is a serious case of self-aggrandisement at the expense of the people who have supported Morgan Tsvangirai to be the man he is today. This issue raises further questions as to his source of funds to be used to buy this house, currently valued at four million dollars.
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Chris Dhlamini is a former Director of Security in the MDC-T.
Source - Chris Dhlamini is a former Director of Security in the MDC-T.
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