Opinion / Columnist
Diaspora vote only answer to Zimbabwe crisis
31 Jul 2011 at 15:51hrs | Views
After the disruption of public hearings of the human rights commission and business in Parliament last week by Zanu-PF activists, it is now clear that the only answer to the Zimbabwe crisis is the Diaspora vote. That is the potent weapon in the opposition's arsenal which can withstand Mugabe's army, police, war vets, Green Bombers, etc.
Before the date of the elections is known, when the voters roll is still unfit for purpose and the constitution remains abstract, Zanu-PF is already fine-tuning its electoral strategy or what Tangai Chipangura aptly saw as 'Zanu-PF's three pronged electoral grand plan,' Newsday 25/07/11.
In his brilliant piece, Tangai Chipangura perceived Zanu-PF's electoral strategy to be:
"Shut out everyone else from Mashonaland Central, East and West; brutalise Masvingo and Manicaland back into line; wreak as much havoc and confusion in the cities and towns and leave only the Matebeleland lost cause with some semblance of democracy."
What could be described as a "dry run" of Zanu-PF's electoral strategy is what happened in Harare last week with a raid on Parliament and assaults on MPs and journalists and a racist attack on an innocent white man by Mugabe's supporters in full view of the Zimbabwe Republic Police.
In accordance with Zanu-PF culture of impunity – no arrests of the culprits, but that of 13 human rights activists who were protesting at the denial of bail by the High Court for the Glen View opposition supporters who remain incarcerated save for one who was released on a hefty $500 bail which is equivalent to two months salary of a civil servant.
From some of the silly things done by Zanu-PF, one can draw parallels between Zanu-PF and Somalia's al-Shabab organisation which recently was refusing to allow overseas aid agencies into drought-hit areas where thousands are starving to death. The group which is compared to the Taliban has since banned samoosas, playing or watching football, wearing tight-fitting clothes and ordered men to grow beards (Metro, 27/07/11).
All eyes are focused on Parliament where the foundation for Zimbabwe's democracy will hopefully be laid through the Electoral Amendment Bill which was gazetted on 27th June 2011. The Bill was expected to have its First Reading this week after the procedural 14 days. The Parliamentary Legal Committee (PLC) has 26 business days during which it should report on its constitutionality.
Hopefully, the PLC will not allow Zanu-PF Minister of Justice Patrick Chinamasa to fast-track the Bill. Instead, the MPs should take a deep breath and appreciate the risks involved as well as the rare opportunity in their hands to end Mugabe's dictatorship once and for all via free and fair elections including those in the Diaspora.
This is the make or break stage, where MPs should report one of the Bill's major flaws as giving the postal vote to a politically select few i.e. less than 300 diplomats and Mugabe's servicemen abroad but denying the same right to an estimated 3 million Zimbabwean voters in the Diaspora who include thousands sleeping with one eye open due to fear of Xenophobic violence and forced removal to Zimbabwe's notorious ATMs (Abductions, Torture and Murder).
However, some concerns have been expressed rather convincingly that the MDC-T might not be enthusiastic about restoring the Diaspora Vote, in view of the incident at Southwark Cathedral in London where party president Morgan Tsvangirai was booed by less than a hundred people when he urged them to return home.
Hopefully, that is not true, because that would be victimisation. Neither is the MDC-T that petty. One of Isaac Newton's laws is that, to every action there is always an equal and opposite reaction. The Diaspora Vote is very instrumental in finishing Mugabe's iron-fist rule for good. Similarly, denying the Diaspora the right to vote will have a severe reaction.
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Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London,
Email Author
Before the date of the elections is known, when the voters roll is still unfit for purpose and the constitution remains abstract, Zanu-PF is already fine-tuning its electoral strategy or what Tangai Chipangura aptly saw as 'Zanu-PF's three pronged electoral grand plan,' Newsday 25/07/11.
In his brilliant piece, Tangai Chipangura perceived Zanu-PF's electoral strategy to be:
"Shut out everyone else from Mashonaland Central, East and West; brutalise Masvingo and Manicaland back into line; wreak as much havoc and confusion in the cities and towns and leave only the Matebeleland lost cause with some semblance of democracy."
What could be described as a "dry run" of Zanu-PF's electoral strategy is what happened in Harare last week with a raid on Parliament and assaults on MPs and journalists and a racist attack on an innocent white man by Mugabe's supporters in full view of the Zimbabwe Republic Police.
In accordance with Zanu-PF culture of impunity – no arrests of the culprits, but that of 13 human rights activists who were protesting at the denial of bail by the High Court for the Glen View opposition supporters who remain incarcerated save for one who was released on a hefty $500 bail which is equivalent to two months salary of a civil servant.
From some of the silly things done by Zanu-PF, one can draw parallels between Zanu-PF and Somalia's al-Shabab organisation which recently was refusing to allow overseas aid agencies into drought-hit areas where thousands are starving to death. The group which is compared to the Taliban has since banned samoosas, playing or watching football, wearing tight-fitting clothes and ordered men to grow beards (Metro, 27/07/11).
All eyes are focused on Parliament where the foundation for Zimbabwe's democracy will hopefully be laid through the Electoral Amendment Bill which was gazetted on 27th June 2011. The Bill was expected to have its First Reading this week after the procedural 14 days. The Parliamentary Legal Committee (PLC) has 26 business days during which it should report on its constitutionality.
Hopefully, the PLC will not allow Zanu-PF Minister of Justice Patrick Chinamasa to fast-track the Bill. Instead, the MPs should take a deep breath and appreciate the risks involved as well as the rare opportunity in their hands to end Mugabe's dictatorship once and for all via free and fair elections including those in the Diaspora.
This is the make or break stage, where MPs should report one of the Bill's major flaws as giving the postal vote to a politically select few i.e. less than 300 diplomats and Mugabe's servicemen abroad but denying the same right to an estimated 3 million Zimbabwean voters in the Diaspora who include thousands sleeping with one eye open due to fear of Xenophobic violence and forced removal to Zimbabwe's notorious ATMs (Abductions, Torture and Murder).
However, some concerns have been expressed rather convincingly that the MDC-T might not be enthusiastic about restoring the Diaspora Vote, in view of the incident at Southwark Cathedral in London where party president Morgan Tsvangirai was booed by less than a hundred people when he urged them to return home.
Hopefully, that is not true, because that would be victimisation. Neither is the MDC-T that petty. One of Isaac Newton's laws is that, to every action there is always an equal and opposite reaction. The Diaspora Vote is very instrumental in finishing Mugabe's iron-fist rule for good. Similarly, denying the Diaspora the right to vote will have a severe reaction.
----------------------------
Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London,
Email Author
Source - Clifford Chitupa Mashiri
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