News / National
Infighting erupts in Mugabe's Zanu-PF
11 Apr 2013 at 11:51hrs | Views
WHILE President Robert Mugabe is standing on solid ground after eliminating internal challenges from within Zanu-PF, infighting among various party camps is threatening to scupper the political entity's bid to reclaim its parliamentary majority.
For long, Zanu-PF has expended most of its energies towards political rhetoric against western imperialism and sanctions, but has done little to unite warring factions in a development that may see it going into the next polls divided and in disarray.
The divisions in the party deepened this week, as accusations and counter-accusations erupted following a political gathering that allegedly took place last week at the home of the party's Women's League boss, Oppah Muchinguri.
Zanu-PF insiders claim that the indaba's main aim was to pull the party's secretary for administration, Didymus Mutasa, down the political ladder.
Those said to have attended the divisive meeting included Justice and Legal Affairs Minister Patrick Chinamasa, Energy and Power Development Deputy Minister Hubert Nyanhongo, war veterans leader Joseph Chinotimba, Buhera North Member of Parliament William Mutomba, suspended Manicaland provincial chairperson Mike Madiro and the acting chairperson Dorothy Mabika.
The latest fall-out follows disenchantment among multitudes of the party's members following last year's dissolution of the party's District Coordinating Committees.
Power struggles have one way or the other affected all the party's provinces, with provincial chairpersons in Mashonaland West, Bulawayo and Matabeleland North sitting on the knife edge as factions pull in different directions.
Because the warring Zanu-PF factions are ultimately loyal to their leader, the squabbles may not have a significant bearing on President Mugabe's electoral chances, but may affect the party's showing in parliamentary and municipal polls.
President Mugabe's defeat may however, bring a paradigm shift that would affect the party's rank and file, hence the factions, despite their sharp differences, are united in seeing into it that he stays the course.
Ahead of the party's 2009 congress, both Mutasa and Muchinguri eyed the vice presidency that had been left vacant following the death of Joseph Msika, with the party secretary for administration losing out to the late John Nkomo, prompting the then Manicaland Zanu-PF provincial chairperson Basil Nyabadza to resign in protest.
Mutasa and Muchinguri are the most senior figures in Manicaland with the former ahead of the latter in terms of party hierarchy that places him on fourth position.
Mutasa and Muchinguri also have the same distinction of being very close to the party's president, rendering any far- reaching action on either of them from the latest fall out farfetched.
Recently, the Zanu-PF leader said he was now lonely as most of his age mates were late, but he singled out Mutasa as one he could relate with on the same level.
On the other hand, Muchinguri is also said to have President Mugabe's ear than what most people realise.
A classified cable written by United States diplomats as far back as 1988, observed that Muchinguri was close to the President, noting that when she left the country to study in the US in 1981, before returning in 1986 her star was always rising.
In 1987 she was appointed a non-constituency MP and a deputy minister for political affairs, her first appointment to the Executive.
"We believe that Muchinguri's rise is due to her reported close relationship with (President) Mugabe. We suspect that she has been appointed as a deputy minister of state for political affairs so that she can spy on this collection of erstwhile party leaders," reads part of the cable.
"I think because of the Mugabe factor at national (which is not very important at local level), the problems at provincial level are rendered insignificant. Remember the President has spoken against any attempts by MPs to play bhora musango, noone would dare cross the line this time around."
This week, political analyst, Ricky Mukonza, said at a provincial level the Mutasa/Muchinguri camps' fall-out would not have a significant bearing on the performance of the party's leader as they are both loyal to him, but it would certainly affect Zanu-PF's performance in parliamentary and municipal polls in that province.
During the 2008 polls, Zanu-PF won six House of Assembly seats and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai amassed 20 seats in a province with 26 constituencies.
"At the micro-level, that is at local government and parliamentary levels, these developments are likely to be detrimental as Mutasa is a significant factor in Manicaland province's politics. These divisions are less likely to have a significant impact on the important presidential elections, this is precisely because of the allegiance that both sides have to President Mugabe," said Mukonza.
"There is no doubt that President Mugabe is the glue that is holding the Zanu-PF party together, hence the thinking that if he were to step aside there would be chaos in the party which could even result in the demise of the party."
Analysts and observers have long observed that without President Mugabe, Zanu-PF would implode as a result of significant fissures due to divergent interests.
Some party members have also expressed similar sentiments to western diplomats, with President Mugabe himself previously saying if he retires at this juncture, his successor would be defeated by the MDC-T leader due to the infighting.
On Monday, another political observer, Raymond Majongwe, said the latest developments in Manicaland were not new as the province has always haboured dissenting voices within the party and singled out the late firebrand Zanu-PF MP, Lazarus Nzarayebani.
Majongwe said the alleged plot against Mutasa may end up as a storm in a tea cup as the protagonists involved have a liberation war background that gravitates them towards following the party line when called to order.
"Zanu-PF sends people on a wild goose chase. These challenges are not the issue because when push comes to shove this is a militaristic organisation which sprinkles democracy. When people are called to order, they will respect their leaders, unlike in the MDC where they will continue talking," concluded Majongwe.
For long, Zanu-PF has expended most of its energies towards political rhetoric against western imperialism and sanctions, but has done little to unite warring factions in a development that may see it going into the next polls divided and in disarray.
The divisions in the party deepened this week, as accusations and counter-accusations erupted following a political gathering that allegedly took place last week at the home of the party's Women's League boss, Oppah Muchinguri.
Zanu-PF insiders claim that the indaba's main aim was to pull the party's secretary for administration, Didymus Mutasa, down the political ladder.
Those said to have attended the divisive meeting included Justice and Legal Affairs Minister Patrick Chinamasa, Energy and Power Development Deputy Minister Hubert Nyanhongo, war veterans leader Joseph Chinotimba, Buhera North Member of Parliament William Mutomba, suspended Manicaland provincial chairperson Mike Madiro and the acting chairperson Dorothy Mabika.
The latest fall-out follows disenchantment among multitudes of the party's members following last year's dissolution of the party's District Coordinating Committees.
Power struggles have one way or the other affected all the party's provinces, with provincial chairpersons in Mashonaland West, Bulawayo and Matabeleland North sitting on the knife edge as factions pull in different directions.
Because the warring Zanu-PF factions are ultimately loyal to their leader, the squabbles may not have a significant bearing on President Mugabe's electoral chances, but may affect the party's showing in parliamentary and municipal polls.
President Mugabe's defeat may however, bring a paradigm shift that would affect the party's rank and file, hence the factions, despite their sharp differences, are united in seeing into it that he stays the course.
Ahead of the party's 2009 congress, both Mutasa and Muchinguri eyed the vice presidency that had been left vacant following the death of Joseph Msika, with the party secretary for administration losing out to the late John Nkomo, prompting the then Manicaland Zanu-PF provincial chairperson Basil Nyabadza to resign in protest.
Mutasa and Muchinguri are the most senior figures in Manicaland with the former ahead of the latter in terms of party hierarchy that places him on fourth position.
Mutasa and Muchinguri also have the same distinction of being very close to the party's president, rendering any far- reaching action on either of them from the latest fall out farfetched.
Recently, the Zanu-PF leader said he was now lonely as most of his age mates were late, but he singled out Mutasa as one he could relate with on the same level.
On the other hand, Muchinguri is also said to have President Mugabe's ear than what most people realise.
A classified cable written by United States diplomats as far back as 1988, observed that Muchinguri was close to the President, noting that when she left the country to study in the US in 1981, before returning in 1986 her star was always rising.
In 1987 she was appointed a non-constituency MP and a deputy minister for political affairs, her first appointment to the Executive.
"We believe that Muchinguri's rise is due to her reported close relationship with (President) Mugabe. We suspect that she has been appointed as a deputy minister of state for political affairs so that she can spy on this collection of erstwhile party leaders," reads part of the cable.
"I think because of the Mugabe factor at national (which is not very important at local level), the problems at provincial level are rendered insignificant. Remember the President has spoken against any attempts by MPs to play bhora musango, noone would dare cross the line this time around."
This week, political analyst, Ricky Mukonza, said at a provincial level the Mutasa/Muchinguri camps' fall-out would not have a significant bearing on the performance of the party's leader as they are both loyal to him, but it would certainly affect Zanu-PF's performance in parliamentary and municipal polls in that province.
During the 2008 polls, Zanu-PF won six House of Assembly seats and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai amassed 20 seats in a province with 26 constituencies.
"At the micro-level, that is at local government and parliamentary levels, these developments are likely to be detrimental as Mutasa is a significant factor in Manicaland province's politics. These divisions are less likely to have a significant impact on the important presidential elections, this is precisely because of the allegiance that both sides have to President Mugabe," said Mukonza.
"There is no doubt that President Mugabe is the glue that is holding the Zanu-PF party together, hence the thinking that if he were to step aside there would be chaos in the party which could even result in the demise of the party."
Analysts and observers have long observed that without President Mugabe, Zanu-PF would implode as a result of significant fissures due to divergent interests.
Some party members have also expressed similar sentiments to western diplomats, with President Mugabe himself previously saying if he retires at this juncture, his successor would be defeated by the MDC-T leader due to the infighting.
On Monday, another political observer, Raymond Majongwe, said the latest developments in Manicaland were not new as the province has always haboured dissenting voices within the party and singled out the late firebrand Zanu-PF MP, Lazarus Nzarayebani.
Majongwe said the alleged plot against Mutasa may end up as a storm in a tea cup as the protagonists involved have a liberation war background that gravitates them towards following the party line when called to order.
"Zanu-PF sends people on a wild goose chase. These challenges are not the issue because when push comes to shove this is a militaristic organisation which sprinkles democracy. When people are called to order, they will respect their leaders, unlike in the MDC where they will continue talking," concluded Majongwe.
Source - fingaz
