Opinion / Columnist
Goodbye Mugabe, Welcome Mnangagwa
21 Nov 2017 at 19:43hrs | Views
The ZANU PF political predisposition
The Zimbabwe political transition as it stands now is carried out by a military intervention code named "Operation restore legacy". This military intervention is a by-product ZANU PF political predisposition of one leader and one programme; the absence of individual liberty for Zimbabweans; the culture of glorification of a personality in the office of the presidency; the existence of the notion of tribal supremacy and a selective right to political leadership based on liberation and ethnic credentials. The doctrines and ideals of ZANU PF pitted Mugabe as the central power holder and life president that branded him the symbol of national unity and cohesion. He was the final authority, arbitrator and his word was supreme. The political, economic, social and government programmes were based on a command approach dictated by Mugabe and so was the control of ZANU PF, ZANU PF war veterans and the military.
The ZANU PF guiding principles and ideas are extracts from the socialist Marxist Leninist ideologies. In practice the Marxist-Leninist ideals advocate for command socio-political economies. It requires absolute loyalty of the citizens to the supreme leader. Everything that is said and done must make reference to the president. The distribution and allocation of wealth, resources, infrastructure, labour, industries and money was decreed by Mugabe. It gave Mugabe and his government the sole uncontested authority to make arbitrary decisions on development needs guided by cronyism theories regardless of the needs of people and a disregard of market forces of supply and demand.
The current military running "operation restore legacy" has always been involved in cronyism and it was the power behind Mugabe. In an authoritarian regime the coercive apparatus have the capacity of intervening whenever the political processes are contrary to the programme of their interests.
The military has been involved in violent operations against the people since the independence of Zimbabwe using code names such as "Gukurahundi" in 1980 in which 20 000 Matabeles died; operation "Murambatshwina" in 2005 which saw 700 000 people becoming homeless; operation "wavotera papi" in 2008 where 300 MDC supporters died; and now is the bloodless operation "restore legacy." Mugabe is better gone but some of us won't get back our relatives that he killed. Mugabe has always been at war with the people of Zimbabwe. In the presence of fear in the hearts of people it did not occur to the people that a different kind of regime could exist so people passively assented to the rule of Mugabe and his military cronies until these two fell out.
Perpetuating problems that were ignored by the military
Mugabe and his government failed to fulfil the social contract endowed to him by the people of Zimbabwe on the promise that his government would protect them, take action to promote national prosperity and equality of life; protect every member of Zimbabwe from injustice and oppression to include effective handling of conflicts associated with economic crisis and political contests and to create and maintain functional public institutions, public services and public works. Mugabe failed in his duty and trust vested in his government by the people of Zimbabwe to be the major custodian of the national constitution and to lead within the moral and legal dictates of the constitution and within democratic processes.
Mugabe sabotaged the revolution goals of majority rule, human freedom, democratic principles, rule of law and the right to human existence. Mugabe presided over a repressive system fraught with a faulty constitution; repressive laws, faulty electoral laws; suppressive use of the security service sector such as the army, police, CIO and correctional services as a tool to silence freedom of expression and association to strengthen his hold on power for as long as he has been. The government owned media was used to undermine the popular constituency by suppressing the truth, practising acts of bias, lack of objectivity and balanced reporting.
The political contestation and conflict resolution by the security services was endowed by a culture of brutality and impunity in the services of Mugabe. There was a deficiency in professional competencies and neutrality of the security services. Corruption became endemic within the ruling class and within the security sector. The country's economy, health and social welfare provisions and infrastructure collapsed. Zimbabwe companies closed down and remain closed in large numbers; 90% of the working age population became redundant and remain so; national savings dried up, informal vendor economy rose up; both domestic and foreign direct investments slumped; poverty increased, national debt burden went up; Zimbabwe lost its currency, the banks ran out of depositors deposits, high interest rate on loans were introduced, externalisation of money became rife within the elite, hoarding money compounded the problem, and currency and stock reserves got depleted. Human rights violations were the order of the day. Killings, torture and abductions of political activist were intensified.
The precipitants of the coup
The collapse of the relationship between Mugabe, war veterans and the military led to a resistance of Mugabe within his own party. The succession conflicts within ZANU PF widen and reached a point where the differences between warring factions were irreconcilable. The actions of the military and war veterans elements were concerned with the socio-economic costs and losses to them. The cost of Mugabe staying as the party leader increased the material losses to the military because of the succession crisis in which Mugabe was pushing for a new generation of leaders crowding out those elements of the liberation struggles including the military. The poor handling of the leadership succession process by Mugabe caused a decline in ZANUPF political structural cohesion because of factional politics within its ranks. The military could not comprehend or accept the ideology of Mugabe promoting his wife, Grace Mugabe to lead both the party and government at the expense of the military, war veterans and political figures linked to the liberation struggle. The army, war veterans and some political figures linked to the liberation struggle strongly believe that they are the only ones with an entitlement to power and share of resources as a token and recognition for their role in the war of the liberation of Zimbabwe. The failure by Mugabe to remain neutral in his role as the supreme leader of the party resonated to a decline of legitimacy within his party. Party members were coerced and intimidated into obeying with no expression of their own personal views and opinions. He instead ignored the call to conduct fair and credible leadership elections within his party including the position of President of ZANU PF.
The army says it wants to restore the legacy of the liberation struggle on the pretext of a service to the people while their action was driven by self- interests. The army is afraid of the birth of true democracy in Zimbabwe. The birth of democracy adds to their fears of working within democratic processes. In a purely democratic process the army would not able to intervene by use of force when the outcomes of the electoral processes are in conflict with their self-interests. The army does not want to lose its ability to influence election results in Zimbabwe. This poses questions about the role of the army in future national elections if a candidate of their choice is defeated in a democratic electoral process.
The transitional process
The military backed transition is not a ZANU PF regime defeat. The present military element is a ZANU PF extension whose core responsibility is protect ZANU PF interests and less about the wider national security needs if ZANU PF is the perpetrator. The exit of Mugabe from the scene does not dismantle ZANU PF system, values and core principles. The ZANU PF principles are still entrenched in the command and coercive ethos. ZANU PF is simply going through a leadership change within its ranks. The authoritarian system remains intact within its conservative socialist system of leadership and governance. The struggle for independence was a revolution that was meant to revolve into the future rewarding one generation to the next. The war veterans and the military and certainly some figures linked to the liberation struggles are insinuating an idea that until their own generation comes to pass the country will not be led any other person accept them. The military elements and war veterans aligned to ZANU PF are singling themselves out as the only beneficiaries of the liberation struggle negating the role of other revolution parties such ZAPU and all the people that provided resistance at the time of Rhodesia. The liberation was about improving the human, political, social and economic capital and rights of Zimbabwean going into the future. The liberation was not about preserving the authority and the sole right of those who participated in the liberation who are now viewed as obstructing the emergency of a new generation of players to push the country forward.
The way forward
The expectation of the next government is to draw on nationalist identities to create new inclusive system of governance, aimed at being more responsive, relevant, transparent, and accountable to people at all levels of governance, and to be a bridge across the divide between the state and civil society. In recognition of this discourse the new government is expected to fully implement the new people's constitution of 2013 which amongst other key issues is the devolution of power, removal of the one centre of power system, oppressive laws and to respect the autonomy and separation of powers of the judiciary, executive and legislature to work independently but complimentary of each other to achieve checks and balances on national matters.
The new government is expected to be committed to the principle of democracy and good governances; conduct of free and fair elections devoid of violence, intimidation and election rigging; respect and defend the democratic institutions of the country and support peaceful transition of power through the electoral process; and reform the electoral process to be run by an independent electoral commission and monitored by independent local and international election observers.
The new government is expected to ensure that the public service is responsive to the needs of the people; a public service well-resourced and committed to its work that is based on integrity, respect, professionalism, efficiency and transparency and to address corruption that has become endemic within the executive, legislature, judiciary and public services.
The new government is expected to vigorously pursue a people centred programmes aimed at eradicating of poverty, integrating rural development programmes, promoting industrial growth, excellence in education, basic health care, plenty of food, good housing roads, rail and air infrastructure, achieve full employment, regular water and power supply, science and technology; and rebuilding, repairing and resuscitation both the country's economic and social infrastructure.
The new government is expected to realign the role of the security sector; the police, military, and prison services to develop in them a set of appropriate and relevant skills that increase efficiency, professionalism, competency, none partisan; provide a quality of service to the public and to win the confidence of the public once again.
The new government is expected to drew lines between the role of political parties and the work of government recognising the fact the government is there to service everyone from different persuasions and political affiliations.
The Zimbabwe political transition as it stands now is carried out by a military intervention code named "Operation restore legacy". This military intervention is a by-product ZANU PF political predisposition of one leader and one programme; the absence of individual liberty for Zimbabweans; the culture of glorification of a personality in the office of the presidency; the existence of the notion of tribal supremacy and a selective right to political leadership based on liberation and ethnic credentials. The doctrines and ideals of ZANU PF pitted Mugabe as the central power holder and life president that branded him the symbol of national unity and cohesion. He was the final authority, arbitrator and his word was supreme. The political, economic, social and government programmes were based on a command approach dictated by Mugabe and so was the control of ZANU PF, ZANU PF war veterans and the military.
The ZANU PF guiding principles and ideas are extracts from the socialist Marxist Leninist ideologies. In practice the Marxist-Leninist ideals advocate for command socio-political economies. It requires absolute loyalty of the citizens to the supreme leader. Everything that is said and done must make reference to the president. The distribution and allocation of wealth, resources, infrastructure, labour, industries and money was decreed by Mugabe. It gave Mugabe and his government the sole uncontested authority to make arbitrary decisions on development needs guided by cronyism theories regardless of the needs of people and a disregard of market forces of supply and demand.
The current military running "operation restore legacy" has always been involved in cronyism and it was the power behind Mugabe. In an authoritarian regime the coercive apparatus have the capacity of intervening whenever the political processes are contrary to the programme of their interests.
The military has been involved in violent operations against the people since the independence of Zimbabwe using code names such as "Gukurahundi" in 1980 in which 20 000 Matabeles died; operation "Murambatshwina" in 2005 which saw 700 000 people becoming homeless; operation "wavotera papi" in 2008 where 300 MDC supporters died; and now is the bloodless operation "restore legacy." Mugabe is better gone but some of us won't get back our relatives that he killed. Mugabe has always been at war with the people of Zimbabwe. In the presence of fear in the hearts of people it did not occur to the people that a different kind of regime could exist so people passively assented to the rule of Mugabe and his military cronies until these two fell out.
Perpetuating problems that were ignored by the military
Mugabe and his government failed to fulfil the social contract endowed to him by the people of Zimbabwe on the promise that his government would protect them, take action to promote national prosperity and equality of life; protect every member of Zimbabwe from injustice and oppression to include effective handling of conflicts associated with economic crisis and political contests and to create and maintain functional public institutions, public services and public works. Mugabe failed in his duty and trust vested in his government by the people of Zimbabwe to be the major custodian of the national constitution and to lead within the moral and legal dictates of the constitution and within democratic processes.
Mugabe sabotaged the revolution goals of majority rule, human freedom, democratic principles, rule of law and the right to human existence. Mugabe presided over a repressive system fraught with a faulty constitution; repressive laws, faulty electoral laws; suppressive use of the security service sector such as the army, police, CIO and correctional services as a tool to silence freedom of expression and association to strengthen his hold on power for as long as he has been. The government owned media was used to undermine the popular constituency by suppressing the truth, practising acts of bias, lack of objectivity and balanced reporting.
The political contestation and conflict resolution by the security services was endowed by a culture of brutality and impunity in the services of Mugabe. There was a deficiency in professional competencies and neutrality of the security services. Corruption became endemic within the ruling class and within the security sector. The country's economy, health and social welfare provisions and infrastructure collapsed. Zimbabwe companies closed down and remain closed in large numbers; 90% of the working age population became redundant and remain so; national savings dried up, informal vendor economy rose up; both domestic and foreign direct investments slumped; poverty increased, national debt burden went up; Zimbabwe lost its currency, the banks ran out of depositors deposits, high interest rate on loans were introduced, externalisation of money became rife within the elite, hoarding money compounded the problem, and currency and stock reserves got depleted. Human rights violations were the order of the day. Killings, torture and abductions of political activist were intensified.
The precipitants of the coup
The collapse of the relationship between Mugabe, war veterans and the military led to a resistance of Mugabe within his own party. The succession conflicts within ZANU PF widen and reached a point where the differences between warring factions were irreconcilable. The actions of the military and war veterans elements were concerned with the socio-economic costs and losses to them. The cost of Mugabe staying as the party leader increased the material losses to the military because of the succession crisis in which Mugabe was pushing for a new generation of leaders crowding out those elements of the liberation struggles including the military. The poor handling of the leadership succession process by Mugabe caused a decline in ZANUPF political structural cohesion because of factional politics within its ranks. The military could not comprehend or accept the ideology of Mugabe promoting his wife, Grace Mugabe to lead both the party and government at the expense of the military, war veterans and political figures linked to the liberation struggle. The army, war veterans and some political figures linked to the liberation struggle strongly believe that they are the only ones with an entitlement to power and share of resources as a token and recognition for their role in the war of the liberation of Zimbabwe. The failure by Mugabe to remain neutral in his role as the supreme leader of the party resonated to a decline of legitimacy within his party. Party members were coerced and intimidated into obeying with no expression of their own personal views and opinions. He instead ignored the call to conduct fair and credible leadership elections within his party including the position of President of ZANU PF.
The army says it wants to restore the legacy of the liberation struggle on the pretext of a service to the people while their action was driven by self- interests. The army is afraid of the birth of true democracy in Zimbabwe. The birth of democracy adds to their fears of working within democratic processes. In a purely democratic process the army would not able to intervene by use of force when the outcomes of the electoral processes are in conflict with their self-interests. The army does not want to lose its ability to influence election results in Zimbabwe. This poses questions about the role of the army in future national elections if a candidate of their choice is defeated in a democratic electoral process.
The transitional process
The military backed transition is not a ZANU PF regime defeat. The present military element is a ZANU PF extension whose core responsibility is protect ZANU PF interests and less about the wider national security needs if ZANU PF is the perpetrator. The exit of Mugabe from the scene does not dismantle ZANU PF system, values and core principles. The ZANU PF principles are still entrenched in the command and coercive ethos. ZANU PF is simply going through a leadership change within its ranks. The authoritarian system remains intact within its conservative socialist system of leadership and governance. The struggle for independence was a revolution that was meant to revolve into the future rewarding one generation to the next. The war veterans and the military and certainly some figures linked to the liberation struggles are insinuating an idea that until their own generation comes to pass the country will not be led any other person accept them. The military elements and war veterans aligned to ZANU PF are singling themselves out as the only beneficiaries of the liberation struggle negating the role of other revolution parties such ZAPU and all the people that provided resistance at the time of Rhodesia. The liberation was about improving the human, political, social and economic capital and rights of Zimbabwean going into the future. The liberation was not about preserving the authority and the sole right of those who participated in the liberation who are now viewed as obstructing the emergency of a new generation of players to push the country forward.
The way forward
The expectation of the next government is to draw on nationalist identities to create new inclusive system of governance, aimed at being more responsive, relevant, transparent, and accountable to people at all levels of governance, and to be a bridge across the divide between the state and civil society. In recognition of this discourse the new government is expected to fully implement the new people's constitution of 2013 which amongst other key issues is the devolution of power, removal of the one centre of power system, oppressive laws and to respect the autonomy and separation of powers of the judiciary, executive and legislature to work independently but complimentary of each other to achieve checks and balances on national matters.
The new government is expected to be committed to the principle of democracy and good governances; conduct of free and fair elections devoid of violence, intimidation and election rigging; respect and defend the democratic institutions of the country and support peaceful transition of power through the electoral process; and reform the electoral process to be run by an independent electoral commission and monitored by independent local and international election observers.
The new government is expected to ensure that the public service is responsive to the needs of the people; a public service well-resourced and committed to its work that is based on integrity, respect, professionalism, efficiency and transparency and to address corruption that has become endemic within the executive, legislature, judiciary and public services.
The new government is expected to vigorously pursue a people centred programmes aimed at eradicating of poverty, integrating rural development programmes, promoting industrial growth, excellence in education, basic health care, plenty of food, good housing roads, rail and air infrastructure, achieve full employment, regular water and power supply, science and technology; and rebuilding, repairing and resuscitation both the country's economic and social infrastructure.
The new government is expected to realign the role of the security sector; the police, military, and prison services to develop in them a set of appropriate and relevant skills that increase efficiency, professionalism, competency, none partisan; provide a quality of service to the public and to win the confidence of the public once again.
The new government is expected to drew lines between the role of political parties and the work of government recognising the fact the government is there to service everyone from different persuasions and political affiliations.
Source - Themba Mthethwa
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