Opinion / Columnist
Zanu-PF's culture of intolerance regrettable
18 Oct 2011 at 05:50hrs | Views
Reports that Zanu-PF MPs are allegedly making frantic moves to block further prosecutions of their party youths accused of killing political opponents in previous elections (The Standard, 16/10/11) are regrettable but come as no surprise.
According to the weekly, having previously relied on the youths for their election campaigns, the Zanu-PF members of parliament fear that convictions might harm their chances of re-election in next year's elections.
Zimbabwean scholars have already exposed Zanu-PF's culture of intolerance. For instance James Muzondiya discusses Zanu-PF's culture of intolerance in his contribution, 'From Buoyancy to Crisis, 1980-1997', in Brian Raftopoulos, Alois Mlambo (ed) Becoming Zimbabwe: a history from the pre-colonial period to 2008, p177).
Muzondiya says this 'culture of intolerance' badly affected Zanu-PF's practice of the democratic ideals it espoused. Although multiparty elections were held regularly throughout the 1980's and 1990s, their organisation betrayed the government's lack of tolerance of political diversity and commitment to democratic politics.
Similarly, the late UZ lecturer Professor Masipula Sithole observed that the commandist nature of mobilisation and politicisation under clandestine circumstances used during the liberation struggle gave rise to the politics of intimidation and fear.
"Opponents were viewed in warlike terms, as enemies, and therefore illegitimate. The culture from the liberation struggle was intolerant and violent," according to Masipula Sithole (see Masipula Sithole, 'Zimbabwe: In search of stable democracy,' in L Diamond et al Democracy in Developing Countries: Vol 2, Africa, p245).
Scholars believe that Zanu-PF approaches elections as 'battles' and views political opponents as enemies to be annihilated rather than as political competitors.
According to Sithole, the party's electoral dominance was partly achieved through its Gukurahundi strategy, which entailed 'an undisguised, intolerant, commandist and deliberately violent policy towards the opposition' (see M Sithole and J Makumbe, 'Elections in Zimbabwe: The Zanu-PF Hegemony and its incipient decline', Africa Journal of Political Science, 2 (1), 1997, p133).
Violent elections were also experienced in 2000, 2002, 2005 and 2008 with the most tragic polls being the 2008 presidential run-off when over 200 MDC supporters were murdered by suspected Zanu-PF activists.
What is more worrying is the alleged plan by the party's MPs to reportedly get Robert Mugabe use his powers to stop the trials. This vindicates our concerns about the unfettered powers of the president under the current constitution.
It is not surprising why Zanu-PF is adamant on retaining POSA and AIPPA as well as not giving in on the Human Rights Commission Bill.
At the same time, if the internal jostling to replace Mugabe while the constitutional loopholes are still there is successful, there will be serious consequences for the country.
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Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London, zimanalysis2009@gmail.com
According to the weekly, having previously relied on the youths for their election campaigns, the Zanu-PF members of parliament fear that convictions might harm their chances of re-election in next year's elections.
Zimbabwean scholars have already exposed Zanu-PF's culture of intolerance. For instance James Muzondiya discusses Zanu-PF's culture of intolerance in his contribution, 'From Buoyancy to Crisis, 1980-1997', in Brian Raftopoulos, Alois Mlambo (ed) Becoming Zimbabwe: a history from the pre-colonial period to 2008, p177).
Muzondiya says this 'culture of intolerance' badly affected Zanu-PF's practice of the democratic ideals it espoused. Although multiparty elections were held regularly throughout the 1980's and 1990s, their organisation betrayed the government's lack of tolerance of political diversity and commitment to democratic politics.
Similarly, the late UZ lecturer Professor Masipula Sithole observed that the commandist nature of mobilisation and politicisation under clandestine circumstances used during the liberation struggle gave rise to the politics of intimidation and fear.
"Opponents were viewed in warlike terms, as enemies, and therefore illegitimate. The culture from the liberation struggle was intolerant and violent," according to Masipula Sithole (see Masipula Sithole, 'Zimbabwe: In search of stable democracy,' in L Diamond et al Democracy in Developing Countries: Vol 2, Africa, p245).
According to Sithole, the party's electoral dominance was partly achieved through its Gukurahundi strategy, which entailed 'an undisguised, intolerant, commandist and deliberately violent policy towards the opposition' (see M Sithole and J Makumbe, 'Elections in Zimbabwe: The Zanu-PF Hegemony and its incipient decline', Africa Journal of Political Science, 2 (1), 1997, p133).
Violent elections were also experienced in 2000, 2002, 2005 and 2008 with the most tragic polls being the 2008 presidential run-off when over 200 MDC supporters were murdered by suspected Zanu-PF activists.
What is more worrying is the alleged plan by the party's MPs to reportedly get Robert Mugabe use his powers to stop the trials. This vindicates our concerns about the unfettered powers of the president under the current constitution.
It is not surprising why Zanu-PF is adamant on retaining POSA and AIPPA as well as not giving in on the Human Rights Commission Bill.
At the same time, if the internal jostling to replace Mugabe while the constitutional loopholes are still there is successful, there will be serious consequences for the country.
-----------------------------
Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London, zimanalysis2009@gmail.com
Source - Clifford Chitupa Mashiri
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