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Zanu PF conference falls short of expectation- Mutodi
19 Dec 2016 at 05:56hrs | Views
A controversial Zanu PF youth member Energy Mutodi has said the recently ended Zanu PF people's conference has failed to live up to expectation as the same rhetoric has been repeated while topical issues such as factionalism, succession and the dying economy were not discussed.
He said President Robert Mugabe, in power for more than 35 years had been expected to announce his retirement but as analysts had earlier on predicated, nothing nearer to that was said at the conference.
"All what happened was the competition by bootlickers to shower praises at him and his wife Grace, as evidenced by ministers who fell short of calling him an Almighty. Mugabe is Zimbabwe's only ruler since independence in 1980 and has relied on divide and rule tactics to remain at the top of the political game in a country he helped liberate through a protracted liberation war," Mutodi said.
"His ruling Zanu PF party is currently divided into two factions-one (G40) led by his ambitious young wife Grace Mugabe while the other (Team Lacoste) is suspected to be loyal to Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa, Mugabe's powerful deputy since December 2014."
The outspoken politician said although Mugabe should be praised for sticking to the constitution in running his party, he is accused of constantly changing the constitution in order to meet his occasional desires.
"For instance, in 2004, when Mnangagwa had amassed enough provincial support to land the Vice Presidency, Mugabe changed the constitution, adding a clause that made it mandatory for one of the Vice President slots to be occupied by a woman. He therefore created a vacancy for Joice Mujuru while blocking Mnangagwa that year," he said.
"But when it became inevitable to continue ignoring Mnangagwa, Mugabe, after falling out with Mujuru hurriedly amended the same legal document in 2014, removing the clause that had allowed the elevation of Mujuru ten years ago. Mnangagwa then became deputy President after the December 2014 congress; a clear sign he would be the favorite to be Mugabe's successor. Like Mugabe, Mnangagwa comes from the majority Shona tribe unlike his co-deputy President Phelekezela Mphoko who belongs to a minority Ndebele tribe."
Mutodi said it is a conventional reality that each time a President must come from the Shona who apart from being the majority have gradually weathered a pre-colonial Ndebele-led aggression that started when an ancient king Mzilikazi fled from Shaka in about 1836 and occupied present day Mateblelend from which his people raided the Shona, confiscating cattle and women as spoils.
"The relationship between the Shona and the Ndebele has never been cordial since then. (Note that the tribal theory also explains the phenomenology of MDC politics). It is therefore no surprise that some Ndebeles are currently at the center of factionalism in the ruling party as they tend to side with the most powerful party faction; promising loyalty of their fellow Ndebeles in exchange for influential party and government posts," he said.
"The Shona see these Ndebeles as secessionists who apart from wanting to revenge against Mugabe's post independence gukurahundi war that allegedly cost more than 20 000 Ndebele lives are also determined to establish a separate state; seeing that their chances for the presidency of a united Zimbabwe are unforeseeable."
Mutodi said it is a plain reality that tribalism plays a significant role in Zanu PF politics and is the root cause of the on-going factionalism.
The party itself was established as an offshoot from Zapu, a party that was led by Joshua Nkomo, a Ndebele.
"Mugabe and some other Shonas disagreed with Nkomo on a number of issues and went on to form a separate liberation movement called Zanu that was initially led by Ndabaningi Sithole before Mugabe took over in 1977. Thereafter, both Zanu and Zapu collaborated in the armed struggle against the white settler regime led by Ian Smith, culminating in Lancaster House negotiations in 1979," he said.
"Mugabe and Nkomo went to the negotiations as separate war lords, and would eventually contest for the independent Zimbabwe's top job as rivals in elections that were presided over by Britian's Lord Soames in 1980. Even before the ballot, it was clear that Mugabe would win the elections, having a strong tribal background against the founder of the country's liberation war-Joshua Nkomo whose only setback was his origin."
Mutodi said Nkomo was infuriated by his defeat and complained of intimidation against his supporters by Mugabe and by 1983, a civil war ensued.
"The tribal conflict involved dissidents that were loyal to Nkomo and government troops that had been trained in North Korea. Nkomo was defeated and he accepted unity on Mugabe's terms. In December 1987, a unity accord was signed and Nkomo became Vice President until his death in 1999. Whenever Zanu PF wins elections, two Vice Presidents are appointed, one from Nkomo's party Zapu and another from Mugabe's Zanu," he said.
"While the unity accord has promoted unity in the party and the country at large, it has entrenched tribalism in Zanu PF. With President Mugabe now old at 92, there is stiff competition between his Vice Presidents regarding succession.
President Mugabe has not mentioned who he will support to succeed him although it is crystal clear that it can never be Mphoko as by so doing, Mugabe would have done the unimaginable."
Mutodi said there are fears Mphoko will seek to revenge the gukurahundi massacres and could also seek to establish a long mooted Mtwakazi state that would see Zimbabwe permanently divided on tribal lines.
"Mugabe is therefore safe only if Mnangagwa succeeds him. The country is most likely to enter into another tribal conflict if Mugabe is incapacitated or if he dies in office due to old age; making it important for him to retire now. However, Mugabe seems to be limping with two different opinions; either supporting his ambitious wife Grace to succeed him or doing the expected by giving the job to Mnangagwa," said Mutodi.
"The Grace option is being promoted by Professor Jonathan Moyo, an aggrieved ndebele propagandist who sees it as a rare opportunity to break the impasse and increase his tribe's influence in the ruling party by eventually grabbing the presidency. Moyo sees a chance he will land the Vice Presidency on a tribal ticket if Grace succeeds her husband. This makes him just one step away from the top and just a matter of time before the dream for a new state is realized.
Moyo's biggest fear is Mnangagwa who apart from having Mugabe's confidence has the support of the military to become the next president."
Mutodi said a delay in the final decision on who is to succeed Mugabe works well for Moyo.
"Already, he has successfully isolated Mugabe from his liberation war comrades notably the war veterans and members of the Joice Mujuru faction among them Didymus Mutasa who for long has been Mugabe's close friend. It is quite apparent that Moyo's influence on Mugabe through his wife Grace is quickening the long time ruler's demise. The writing is now on the wall that Mugabe does not know when to call it quits. His chances for an unceremonious exit from power are increasing day by day as he could leave through an electoral defeat or through chaos precipitated by the dying economy," he said.
"The recent introduction of a token currency in the form of bond notes has increased hardships on citizens as cost of living has increased by at least 20%.
Joblessness and poverty are rife in Zimbabwe and youths survive either through prostitution or cross-border trading. At the same time, there is rampant corruption and Mugabe continues to shield his corrupt ministers from arrest as long as they support his continued hold to power."
He said poor policies, corruption, nepotism and generally bad governance account for the dying economy that has seen companies closing en masse in the recent years.
"There is no hope that President Mugabe will revive the economy and his continued stay in power has shattered the hopes of the youths most of whom have never been employed but lead hand to mouth lives just like wild pigs and dogs," he said.
He said President Robert Mugabe, in power for more than 35 years had been expected to announce his retirement but as analysts had earlier on predicated, nothing nearer to that was said at the conference.
"All what happened was the competition by bootlickers to shower praises at him and his wife Grace, as evidenced by ministers who fell short of calling him an Almighty. Mugabe is Zimbabwe's only ruler since independence in 1980 and has relied on divide and rule tactics to remain at the top of the political game in a country he helped liberate through a protracted liberation war," Mutodi said.
"His ruling Zanu PF party is currently divided into two factions-one (G40) led by his ambitious young wife Grace Mugabe while the other (Team Lacoste) is suspected to be loyal to Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa, Mugabe's powerful deputy since December 2014."
The outspoken politician said although Mugabe should be praised for sticking to the constitution in running his party, he is accused of constantly changing the constitution in order to meet his occasional desires.
"For instance, in 2004, when Mnangagwa had amassed enough provincial support to land the Vice Presidency, Mugabe changed the constitution, adding a clause that made it mandatory for one of the Vice President slots to be occupied by a woman. He therefore created a vacancy for Joice Mujuru while blocking Mnangagwa that year," he said.
"But when it became inevitable to continue ignoring Mnangagwa, Mugabe, after falling out with Mujuru hurriedly amended the same legal document in 2014, removing the clause that had allowed the elevation of Mujuru ten years ago. Mnangagwa then became deputy President after the December 2014 congress; a clear sign he would be the favorite to be Mugabe's successor. Like Mugabe, Mnangagwa comes from the majority Shona tribe unlike his co-deputy President Phelekezela Mphoko who belongs to a minority Ndebele tribe."
Mutodi said it is a conventional reality that each time a President must come from the Shona who apart from being the majority have gradually weathered a pre-colonial Ndebele-led aggression that started when an ancient king Mzilikazi fled from Shaka in about 1836 and occupied present day Mateblelend from which his people raided the Shona, confiscating cattle and women as spoils.
"The relationship between the Shona and the Ndebele has never been cordial since then. (Note that the tribal theory also explains the phenomenology of MDC politics). It is therefore no surprise that some Ndebeles are currently at the center of factionalism in the ruling party as they tend to side with the most powerful party faction; promising loyalty of their fellow Ndebeles in exchange for influential party and government posts," he said.
"The Shona see these Ndebeles as secessionists who apart from wanting to revenge against Mugabe's post independence gukurahundi war that allegedly cost more than 20 000 Ndebele lives are also determined to establish a separate state; seeing that their chances for the presidency of a united Zimbabwe are unforeseeable."
Mutodi said it is a plain reality that tribalism plays a significant role in Zanu PF politics and is the root cause of the on-going factionalism.
The party itself was established as an offshoot from Zapu, a party that was led by Joshua Nkomo, a Ndebele.
"Mugabe and some other Shonas disagreed with Nkomo on a number of issues and went on to form a separate liberation movement called Zanu that was initially led by Ndabaningi Sithole before Mugabe took over in 1977. Thereafter, both Zanu and Zapu collaborated in the armed struggle against the white settler regime led by Ian Smith, culminating in Lancaster House negotiations in 1979," he said.
"Mugabe and Nkomo went to the negotiations as separate war lords, and would eventually contest for the independent Zimbabwe's top job as rivals in elections that were presided over by Britian's Lord Soames in 1980. Even before the ballot, it was clear that Mugabe would win the elections, having a strong tribal background against the founder of the country's liberation war-Joshua Nkomo whose only setback was his origin."
"The tribal conflict involved dissidents that were loyal to Nkomo and government troops that had been trained in North Korea. Nkomo was defeated and he accepted unity on Mugabe's terms. In December 1987, a unity accord was signed and Nkomo became Vice President until his death in 1999. Whenever Zanu PF wins elections, two Vice Presidents are appointed, one from Nkomo's party Zapu and another from Mugabe's Zanu," he said.
"While the unity accord has promoted unity in the party and the country at large, it has entrenched tribalism in Zanu PF. With President Mugabe now old at 92, there is stiff competition between his Vice Presidents regarding succession.
President Mugabe has not mentioned who he will support to succeed him although it is crystal clear that it can never be Mphoko as by so doing, Mugabe would have done the unimaginable."
Mutodi said there are fears Mphoko will seek to revenge the gukurahundi massacres and could also seek to establish a long mooted Mtwakazi state that would see Zimbabwe permanently divided on tribal lines.
"Mugabe is therefore safe only if Mnangagwa succeeds him. The country is most likely to enter into another tribal conflict if Mugabe is incapacitated or if he dies in office due to old age; making it important for him to retire now. However, Mugabe seems to be limping with two different opinions; either supporting his ambitious wife Grace to succeed him or doing the expected by giving the job to Mnangagwa," said Mutodi.
"The Grace option is being promoted by Professor Jonathan Moyo, an aggrieved ndebele propagandist who sees it as a rare opportunity to break the impasse and increase his tribe's influence in the ruling party by eventually grabbing the presidency. Moyo sees a chance he will land the Vice Presidency on a tribal ticket if Grace succeeds her husband. This makes him just one step away from the top and just a matter of time before the dream for a new state is realized.
Moyo's biggest fear is Mnangagwa who apart from having Mugabe's confidence has the support of the military to become the next president."
Mutodi said a delay in the final decision on who is to succeed Mugabe works well for Moyo.
"Already, he has successfully isolated Mugabe from his liberation war comrades notably the war veterans and members of the Joice Mujuru faction among them Didymus Mutasa who for long has been Mugabe's close friend. It is quite apparent that Moyo's influence on Mugabe through his wife Grace is quickening the long time ruler's demise. The writing is now on the wall that Mugabe does not know when to call it quits. His chances for an unceremonious exit from power are increasing day by day as he could leave through an electoral defeat or through chaos precipitated by the dying economy," he said.
"The recent introduction of a token currency in the form of bond notes has increased hardships on citizens as cost of living has increased by at least 20%.
Joblessness and poverty are rife in Zimbabwe and youths survive either through prostitution or cross-border trading. At the same time, there is rampant corruption and Mugabe continues to shield his corrupt ministers from arrest as long as they support his continued hold to power."
He said poor policies, corruption, nepotism and generally bad governance account for the dying economy that has seen companies closing en masse in the recent years.
"There is no hope that President Mugabe will revive the economy and his continued stay in power has shattered the hopes of the youths most of whom have never been employed but lead hand to mouth lives just like wild pigs and dogs," he said.
Source - Byo24News
