Opinion / Columnist
Zim must resist election calls by a small but powerful Zanu-PF clique
03 Feb 2012 at 03:25hrs | Views
IT is increasingly becoming clear that the harmonised elections to choose a new leadership of this country cannot be held any time before March 2013, when the lifespan of the Seventh Parliament of Zimbabwe expires.
It is important to begin by emphasising that Zimbabweans from across the political divide should unite in resisting attempts by a small but powerful clique in Zanu PF that wants to force an early election because they have failed to run government the way they want. This is because of the checks and balances provided by the inclusive government.
There is no doubt that the push for elections by the Zanu PF-aligned clique are laced with some poison and if Zimbabweans are not careful, then the outcome will reverse all the democratisation gains made during the inclusive government.
The inclusive government was created to achieve a particular set of reforms in the country and those reforms have not been fulfilled as yet. While there are no timelines provided for the implementation of the agreed GPA issues, there is a general timeline provided by the lifespan of parliament.
It is therefore logical that the country will continue to implement all agreed reforms until the expiry of the lifespan of parliament, in this case, March 2013. It thus becomes suspicious when the other partners in the inclusive government become so ferocious in their push for elections as if they are chasing a particular deadline.
What is coming out is that the Zanu PF-aligned clique seems to be chasing an unexplained deadline which only they know and I am convinced that it is a deadline that is not in the best interests of the people of Zimbabwe.
The excuse being used in calling for an early election is that the inclusive government is dysfunctional, yet evidence on the ground suggests that the country has made major strides in economic recovery, the legislative agenda and provision of social services to the generality of the population. Everyone, including Grade Zero children, knows that if ever there was a time when this government was dysfunctional it was before the formation of the inclusive government and that dysfunction was as a result of the many years of Zanu PF failure and poor governance.
It is fair to suggest that, during that chaos and poor governance, a small but powerful clique in Zanu PF was in charge of everything and looted the country to its knees. The inclusive government, unfortunately for them, brought some order and those that thrive on chaos are finding the going tough.
Despite the numerous pronouncements about the so-called dysfunction of the inclusive government, no one has ever explained the nature of the alleged dysfunction.
One thing, that is clear, is this elections push has exposed how emasculated Zanu PF has become. While in the past the policy pronouncements in their central committee, politburo, congresses and conferences translated directly into government policy, what is clear now is that the party has lost that strength. It is now unable to deliver to its constituency and is now under pressure to move like a mad man.
Unfortunately, when reason is suspended and emotions take charge, the result is always certain to be a crash landing. This is the reason why the call for elections has moved from being a serious pronouncement to an ordinary cliché. The calls have become so overused that they reflect how much of an ordinary outfit Zanu PF has become.
It is, however, still living in the nostalgia of yesteryear in which they were calling the shots without any challenge. Today Zanu PF is a fading giant collapsing from its own weight and failure to manage its internal dynamics of succession. They continue to live in dreamland and a fool's paradise that they are still unilaterally in charge.
This is precisely the reason why they have failed, in the past two years, to implement their key conference resolution of elections being held earlier than 2013. In Zanu PF's last two national conferences, one of the key pronouncements made was that elections were to be held in 2011 without fail.
The year 2011 came and went but elections are yet to be held. As 2011 came to an end it became more and more evident that elections could not be held in 2011.
Zanu PF strategists and propagandists began to talk about an election without fail in early 2012. That position was adopted as a key resolution in their conference in Bulawayo in December 2011. But as things stand it is clear that such an election will be met with strong resistance by the MPs given that most of them view being a parliamentarian as full time employment.
Given Zanu PF's shocking defeat in 2008, it will be suicidal to go for an election without the consensus of MPs. This may lead to another situation where they campaign for themselves only and leave their presidential candidate exposed. Besides Sadc and the African Union, who are the key guarantors of the GPA, are unlikely to agree on an election before the fulfillment of the major reforms.
Simply put, a rushed election, done without consensus, will lead to disputed results and chaos. Sadc would not allow Zimbabwe to enter into an election that will destabilise the region.
While it is a fact that the regional and continental bodies do not necessarily dictate in the affairs of Zimbabwe, they have a serious interest in the outcome of the elections given the effect of chaos in Zimbabwe's politics has on them. Whatever government emerges from the election needs to be legitimised by these bodies.
A chaotic election will only isolate the country and this will not help us move forward.
The MDC-T has also not helped the situation because of its inconsistent policy pronouncements. In the usual fashion, that has become a trademark of its political operations, the MDC-T has been talking with a forked tongue on the matter.
One day they are for elections, the other they are completely opposed to them. It is these inconsistencies that make people reach conclusions that Zimbabwe will be in very unsafe hands if they were to be in charge. In contrast Professor Welshman Ncube has stood resolutely in one position where he has continuously stressed on the need for the enactment of major reforms before elections are held. In the early days of his pronouncements the MDC-T vilified him as a coward but now they are singing the same tune without acknowledgement.
It does not help to push for a quick-fix solution leading to chaotic outcomes. It is better to endure the longer route but come up with a durable and sustainable product.
It is in that light that the people of Zimbabwe should be on high alert and mobilise themselves against any attempts to have an election without reforms.
The focus should be on the completion of the constitution-making process, enactment of new electoral laws, rationalisation of the awarding of licences for the electronic media, reforming of the security sector to ensure that the security apparatus of this country are loyal to the country and not individuals. It is thus urgent that the implementation of these issues is done with speed so that the country meets the March 2013 deadline of holding the harmonised elections.
------------------
Moyo is the National Organising Secretary of the MDC led by Professor Welshman Ncube. He can be contacted on qmoyo2000@yahoo.co.uk
It is important to begin by emphasising that Zimbabweans from across the political divide should unite in resisting attempts by a small but powerful clique in Zanu PF that wants to force an early election because they have failed to run government the way they want. This is because of the checks and balances provided by the inclusive government.
There is no doubt that the push for elections by the Zanu PF-aligned clique are laced with some poison and if Zimbabweans are not careful, then the outcome will reverse all the democratisation gains made during the inclusive government.
The inclusive government was created to achieve a particular set of reforms in the country and those reforms have not been fulfilled as yet. While there are no timelines provided for the implementation of the agreed GPA issues, there is a general timeline provided by the lifespan of parliament.
It is therefore logical that the country will continue to implement all agreed reforms until the expiry of the lifespan of parliament, in this case, March 2013. It thus becomes suspicious when the other partners in the inclusive government become so ferocious in their push for elections as if they are chasing a particular deadline.
What is coming out is that the Zanu PF-aligned clique seems to be chasing an unexplained deadline which only they know and I am convinced that it is a deadline that is not in the best interests of the people of Zimbabwe.
The excuse being used in calling for an early election is that the inclusive government is dysfunctional, yet evidence on the ground suggests that the country has made major strides in economic recovery, the legislative agenda and provision of social services to the generality of the population. Everyone, including Grade Zero children, knows that if ever there was a time when this government was dysfunctional it was before the formation of the inclusive government and that dysfunction was as a result of the many years of Zanu PF failure and poor governance.
It is fair to suggest that, during that chaos and poor governance, a small but powerful clique in Zanu PF was in charge of everything and looted the country to its knees. The inclusive government, unfortunately for them, brought some order and those that thrive on chaos are finding the going tough.
Despite the numerous pronouncements about the so-called dysfunction of the inclusive government, no one has ever explained the nature of the alleged dysfunction.
One thing, that is clear, is this elections push has exposed how emasculated Zanu PF has become. While in the past the policy pronouncements in their central committee, politburo, congresses and conferences translated directly into government policy, what is clear now is that the party has lost that strength. It is now unable to deliver to its constituency and is now under pressure to move like a mad man.
Unfortunately, when reason is suspended and emotions take charge, the result is always certain to be a crash landing. This is the reason why the call for elections has moved from being a serious pronouncement to an ordinary cliché. The calls have become so overused that they reflect how much of an ordinary outfit Zanu PF has become.
It is, however, still living in the nostalgia of yesteryear in which they were calling the shots without any challenge. Today Zanu PF is a fading giant collapsing from its own weight and failure to manage its internal dynamics of succession. They continue to live in dreamland and a fool's paradise that they are still unilaterally in charge.
The year 2011 came and went but elections are yet to be held. As 2011 came to an end it became more and more evident that elections could not be held in 2011.
Zanu PF strategists and propagandists began to talk about an election without fail in early 2012. That position was adopted as a key resolution in their conference in Bulawayo in December 2011. But as things stand it is clear that such an election will be met with strong resistance by the MPs given that most of them view being a parliamentarian as full time employment.
Given Zanu PF's shocking defeat in 2008, it will be suicidal to go for an election without the consensus of MPs. This may lead to another situation where they campaign for themselves only and leave their presidential candidate exposed. Besides Sadc and the African Union, who are the key guarantors of the GPA, are unlikely to agree on an election before the fulfillment of the major reforms.
Simply put, a rushed election, done without consensus, will lead to disputed results and chaos. Sadc would not allow Zimbabwe to enter into an election that will destabilise the region.
While it is a fact that the regional and continental bodies do not necessarily dictate in the affairs of Zimbabwe, they have a serious interest in the outcome of the elections given the effect of chaos in Zimbabwe's politics has on them. Whatever government emerges from the election needs to be legitimised by these bodies.
A chaotic election will only isolate the country and this will not help us move forward.
The MDC-T has also not helped the situation because of its inconsistent policy pronouncements. In the usual fashion, that has become a trademark of its political operations, the MDC-T has been talking with a forked tongue on the matter.
One day they are for elections, the other they are completely opposed to them. It is these inconsistencies that make people reach conclusions that Zimbabwe will be in very unsafe hands if they were to be in charge. In contrast Professor Welshman Ncube has stood resolutely in one position where he has continuously stressed on the need for the enactment of major reforms before elections are held. In the early days of his pronouncements the MDC-T vilified him as a coward but now they are singing the same tune without acknowledgement.
It does not help to push for a quick-fix solution leading to chaotic outcomes. It is better to endure the longer route but come up with a durable and sustainable product.
It is in that light that the people of Zimbabwe should be on high alert and mobilise themselves against any attempts to have an election without reforms.
The focus should be on the completion of the constitution-making process, enactment of new electoral laws, rationalisation of the awarding of licences for the electronic media, reforming of the security sector to ensure that the security apparatus of this country are loyal to the country and not individuals. It is thus urgent that the implementation of these issues is done with speed so that the country meets the March 2013 deadline of holding the harmonised elections.
------------------
Moyo is the National Organising Secretary of the MDC led by Professor Welshman Ncube. He can be contacted on qmoyo2000@yahoo.co.uk
Source - Qhubani Moyo
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