Opinion / Columnist
De-listed Zanu-PF loyalists face big dilemma
21 Feb 2012 at 09:05hrs | Views
Rather than celebrate at being removed from the EU 'sanctions' list, some Zanu-PF loyalists are arguably wishing they had been left on the list until everyone else was de-listed.
At home, some of the de-listed Zanu-PF loyalists are being branded sell-outs in internet forums especially those exposed by WikiLeaks, and risk civil action abroad for rights abuses and looting now that they can be served with papers in person.
As if confirming this 'theory', Foreign Affairs Minister Mumbengegwi has claimed the delisting 'is aimed at sowing seeds of suspicion of selling out and divisions among Zimbabweans' (ZBC, "Partial lifting of sanctions divisive: Mumbengegwi," 20/02/12).
In April 2011, former deputy minister of labour Tracy Mutinhiri a Zanu-PF MP told the Press she was living in fear for her life after being accused of voting for MDC-T candidate Lovemore Moyo as Speaker of the House of Assembly.
After her expulsion from Zanu-PF in August, Mutinhiri said unidentified individuals had been calling her mobile phone accusing her of being one of the rebels.
As for Zim1 'Robert Mugabe', deplored what he described as "betrayal" by the MPs adding:"…Ko makambonzi nani pindai muZanu-PF? Ko chiendaka KwaTsvangirai kwacho." (Were you forced to join Zanu-PF? Go to Tsvangirai's party if you want).
Paranoid Mugabe has in the past criticised some from his party ranks for being behind "Operation Bhora Musango" (Don't vote for Mugabe Campaign) in previous polls.
On the other hand, some of the loyalists risk noisy protests at overseas airports and their hotels if they got tempted to road-test their passports in the wake of the fast growing global protests against Mugabe's t loose talk about elections without reforms.
One loyalist who may caution against foreign travel is Didymus Mutasa, who sought refuge behind a black wheelie bin in South Africa in May 2011 as angry Zimbabwean exiles disrupted a planned Zanu-PF anti-sanctions meeting.
According to Press reports, in the end the Zanu-PF 'rally'at the Hillbrow Theatre in Johannesburg never took off.
No matter how tempting it is, venturing abroad is likely to get the de-listed loyalists news headlines they would rather do without as there would be guaranteed impromptu noisy protests, covered live on satellite and cable TV and social networking sites.
However, Air Zimbabwe is unlikely to fly the new rich into UK's Gatwick or S.A's Oliver Tambo Airport for a long time to come after its Boeing 767 was almost auctioned in London last year for an embarrassingly small debt given the aircraft's value.
The dilemma of the de-listed loyalists is further compounded by the unresolved compensation claims initiated by victims of Mugabe's human rights abuses, for instance the £260 million damages over election killings in 2000 (Telegraph, 23/10/00).
Contrary to Zanu-PF propaganda, there are no sanctions on the people of Zimbabwe in general. Neither did the EU impose the restrictive measures for land grab, as the state media claims.
The EU imposed restrictive measures on selected individuals and entities for their alleged role in aiding and abetting poll rigging and human rights abuses during the 2002 violent presidential elections which left over 20 opposition supporters murdered.
Despite claiming to have redistributed land to the poor, Robert Mugabe is sitting on almost half a dozen land audits amid claims he and his family own 39 farms seized from their white owners (see The Daily Mail, 'From bread-basket to basket case: Land seizures from white farmers have cost Mugabe's Zimbabwe £7billion', 03/08/11).
Contrary to state propaganda, the relaxation of EU measures has not come as a result of the so-called 2 million anti-sanctions signature campaign which was abandoned, the charm offensive of SADC leaders, nor Tomana's threat of lawsuit against the EU because the restrictions remain on Mugabe and 112 other people as well as some entities.
Although 'baffling', the de-listing is essentially in accordance with the EU's normative foreign policy which emphasizes the use of soft power as opposed to hard power in international relations which some scholars see as the Nordicisation of EU foreign policy.
It is too early to evaluate the impact of the EU's strategy on Zanu-PF loyalists, however the sudden call by Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa on the government to ratify the United Nations Convention against Torture, seems an interesting coincidence.
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Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London, zimanalysis2009@gmail.com
At home, some of the de-listed Zanu-PF loyalists are being branded sell-outs in internet forums especially those exposed by WikiLeaks, and risk civil action abroad for rights abuses and looting now that they can be served with papers in person.
As if confirming this 'theory', Foreign Affairs Minister Mumbengegwi has claimed the delisting 'is aimed at sowing seeds of suspicion of selling out and divisions among Zimbabweans' (ZBC, "Partial lifting of sanctions divisive: Mumbengegwi," 20/02/12).
In April 2011, former deputy minister of labour Tracy Mutinhiri a Zanu-PF MP told the Press she was living in fear for her life after being accused of voting for MDC-T candidate Lovemore Moyo as Speaker of the House of Assembly.
After her expulsion from Zanu-PF in August, Mutinhiri said unidentified individuals had been calling her mobile phone accusing her of being one of the rebels.
As for Zim1 'Robert Mugabe', deplored what he described as "betrayal" by the MPs adding:"…Ko makambonzi nani pindai muZanu-PF? Ko chiendaka KwaTsvangirai kwacho." (Were you forced to join Zanu-PF? Go to Tsvangirai's party if you want).
Paranoid Mugabe has in the past criticised some from his party ranks for being behind "Operation Bhora Musango" (Don't vote for Mugabe Campaign) in previous polls.
On the other hand, some of the loyalists risk noisy protests at overseas airports and their hotels if they got tempted to road-test their passports in the wake of the fast growing global protests against Mugabe's t loose talk about elections without reforms.
One loyalist who may caution against foreign travel is Didymus Mutasa, who sought refuge behind a black wheelie bin in South Africa in May 2011 as angry Zimbabwean exiles disrupted a planned Zanu-PF anti-sanctions meeting.
No matter how tempting it is, venturing abroad is likely to get the de-listed loyalists news headlines they would rather do without as there would be guaranteed impromptu noisy protests, covered live on satellite and cable TV and social networking sites.
However, Air Zimbabwe is unlikely to fly the new rich into UK's Gatwick or S.A's Oliver Tambo Airport for a long time to come after its Boeing 767 was almost auctioned in London last year for an embarrassingly small debt given the aircraft's value.
The dilemma of the de-listed loyalists is further compounded by the unresolved compensation claims initiated by victims of Mugabe's human rights abuses, for instance the £260 million damages over election killings in 2000 (Telegraph, 23/10/00).
Contrary to Zanu-PF propaganda, there are no sanctions on the people of Zimbabwe in general. Neither did the EU impose the restrictive measures for land grab, as the state media claims.
The EU imposed restrictive measures on selected individuals and entities for their alleged role in aiding and abetting poll rigging and human rights abuses during the 2002 violent presidential elections which left over 20 opposition supporters murdered.
Despite claiming to have redistributed land to the poor, Robert Mugabe is sitting on almost half a dozen land audits amid claims he and his family own 39 farms seized from their white owners (see The Daily Mail, 'From bread-basket to basket case: Land seizures from white farmers have cost Mugabe's Zimbabwe £7billion', 03/08/11).
Contrary to state propaganda, the relaxation of EU measures has not come as a result of the so-called 2 million anti-sanctions signature campaign which was abandoned, the charm offensive of SADC leaders, nor Tomana's threat of lawsuit against the EU because the restrictions remain on Mugabe and 112 other people as well as some entities.
Although 'baffling', the de-listing is essentially in accordance with the EU's normative foreign policy which emphasizes the use of soft power as opposed to hard power in international relations which some scholars see as the Nordicisation of EU foreign policy.
It is too early to evaluate the impact of the EU's strategy on Zanu-PF loyalists, however the sudden call by Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa on the government to ratify the United Nations Convention against Torture, seems an interesting coincidence.
-------------------
Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London, zimanalysis2009@gmail.com
Source - Byo24News
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