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Why elections cannot help liberate uMthwakazi- MIOR

10 Aug 2019 at 07:31hrs | Views
It is not mind boggling that Elections cannot liberate UMthwakazi. What is mind boggling is that at this day and time, there are some people in UMthwakazi in particular who still believe that partaking in whichever form in the election of Zimbabwe can deliver from the misrule of ZANU and Zimbabwe. On the 3rd of August 2019, there were by elections in Lupane, Inkabazwe Province of Mthwakazi and the Capital of the present day Matabeleland North province of the unitary Zimbabwe. Mthwakazi Institute of Research conducted in the district of Lupane and in Hillbrow (South Africa) where millions of Mthwakazi people are taking refugee to determine if Mthwakazi could be set free through the Zimbabwe elections. The research results shows that 70% of 10 000 people interviewed randomly were nothing concerning the election for example thatt was to happen in Lupane but more of the cries over their day to day living. The people raised serious issues of marginalisation, underdevelopment, hunger, deployment of non Mthwakazi teachers, nurses, police in the area and victimisation by the office of land in the district.

All they cried over were matters of great substance that could influence the outcome of the election that was just some days away and all fingers ( youths mainly) pointed at the ruling party, blaming it for the hardships Zimbabwe was going through.

A group of youths in Kenmore centre, just a stone throw from St Lukes Hospital, showed us an unconfirmed article with names of ZANU members and amounts of money they had each defrauded the Central Bank of Zimbabwe. The article flooded social network group chats in the district. Below attached is the article in question.

PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa's son and former First Lady Grace Mugabe's names have featured prominently in a list of 26 high profile individuals who received millions of US dollars in CBZ loans which they have failed to pay back.

The list involves outspoken top opposition politicians Job Sikhala and Independent MP Temba Mliswa who has been very vocal against corruption. Also on the list are exiled former cabinet minister Jonathan Moyo and former CIO boss, Happyton Bonyongwe. According to the list, the individuals received a total US$14,913,000 worth of loans from then CBZ chief executive and now central bank governor John Mangudya between 2010 and 2014. According to documents, nothing has been recovered and MDC Deputy President Tendai Biti's law firm has been engaged to recover the funds. "The loans were approved by the former CBZ CEO John Mangudya. Most of the below mentioned have just decided to ignore them," reads the document. "Efforts have been made to track these persons down and some of these have been handed over to CBZ lawyers Biti and Associates so as to try and recover the amounts," reads the document. "Normal banking procedures were not followed and there is suspicion of underhand deals, the bank has been left exposed. "Some of the individuals have since left the country and some are in prison. The whereabouts of Olivia Muchena and Mandiitawepi Chimene are also unknown." The biggest beneficiary of the scandal which has been kept under wraps is former First Lady Grace who took US$4 500 000 during deposed President Robert Mugabe's tenure. President Emmerson Mnangagwa's son, Emmerson Jnr was given US$400 000 while vocal anti-corruption agitator Mliswa received US$350 000. Exiled former Information Minister Professor Jonathan Moyo was given a US$200 000 loan while current Minister of Higher and Tertiary Education, Professor Paul Mavhima got US$120 000. ZANU-PF Secretary for Administration Obert Mpofu, who was recently named by his party youths as one of the most corrupt in the country, received US$1 300 000. Retired army chief, Brigadier Douglas Nyikayaramba got US$135 000, key player in the November 2017 coup Christopher Mutsvangwa (US$650 000), former RBZ Governor Gideon Gono (US$2 000 000) and Vice President Constantino Chiwenga's ex-wife Jocelyn (US$900 000). Government owns 16.01% of the bank, the largest service provider in the country with assets worth over US$1 billion.

Study Full List Below:
 
1. Jocelyn Chiwenga US$900 000
2. Brigadier Douglas Nyikayaramba US$135 000
3. Andrew Mhlanga US$200 000
4. Lynette Undenge/Samuel Undenge US$350 000
5. Andrew Moyo US$120 000 6. Ignatius Chombo US$500 000
7. Douglas Mahiya US$75 000
8. Christopher Mutsvangwa US$650 000
9. Gideon Gono US$2 000 000
10. Grace Mugabe US$4 500 000
11. Prof Jonathan Moyo US$200 000
12. Prof Paul Mavhima US$120 000
13. Supa Mandiwanzira US$400 000
14. Leo Mugabe US$300 000
15. Mandiitawepi Chimene US$100 000
16. Emmerson Mnangagwa (Jnr) US$400 000
17. Happyton Bonyongwe US$300 000
18. Olivia Nyembesi Muchena US$200 000
19. Didymus Mutasa US$375 000
20. Temba Mliswa US$350 000
21. Joseph Chinotimba US$100 000
22. Job Sikhala US$100 000
23. Abigail Chihuri US$500 000
24. Obert Mpofu US$1 300 000
25. Edna Madzongwe US$650 000
26. Mabel Chinomona US$88 000.

Anger and hate was written all over the faces of Lupane East and we were left with no doubt that ZANU's rule over Lupane was coming to an end. MDC Alliance held campaign rallies in the district and so was the MDC led by Dr Thokozani Khuphe, ZANU and the MRP.

One day before the election day ZANU had the villagers in St Luke's spend their entire day, waiting to be given 2kgs of rice per house hold in form of a drought relief program. The food parcels were way too little to entice the already starving families of Lupane into entrusting ZANU with their votes, said one commentator who could not reveal who she was in support of. Hopes for a good harvest were high even to the likes of MRP whom one could question their readiness for the election considering their limited resources. To prove hope and confidence of victory, MDC Alliance leader, Nelson Chamisa took to his twitter account after a series of his party rallies in the district and said " Lupane rallies ...So humbled to have been so warmly received by the great people of Lupane East."

On 3 August, villagers held long queues to vote. The turnout to the vote was low as per comments of some commentators in the district. That however, was the lame excuse one could use to be pardoned for their parties' poor performance in the election. ZANU won the election convincingly with its candidate  Mbongeni Dube amassing 6 369 votes while the MDC Alliance candidate Dalumuzi Khumalo polled 4 505 votes,  Nelson Mnkandla (National Action Party) 51 votes, Gezekile Mkhwebu (Zapu) 52 votes, Given Ncube (MDC-T) 363 votes, Morgen Ndlovu (Labour Economists and African Democrats Party) 18 votes,  Alice Sibanda (National Constitutional Assembly) 27 votes, Njabulo Sibanda (National Patriotic Front) 39 votes and Andrew Tshaba (Mthwakazi Republic Party) 81 votes. Only 155 votes were spoiled.
ZANU further won in Ward 22 in Bubi with Thandekile Dube defeating other contenders while  Qhubani Nyoni romped to victory in Ward 23, Nkayi District.

Soon after the announcement of the election results former ZANU spin doctor, Prof Jonathan Moyo shot to his Twitter account disqualifying the victory of his former party saying they deployed un uniformed soldiers in the district who voted for them and who intimidated villagers on the eve of the election. The allegations are something a short sighted politician can reject at his own peril, considering the confidence of victory the opposition parties had before the election day and that Moyo as a former ZANU senior member, he has a clear insight of how things are done in the party. It appeared that ZANU PF used medication sourced from government hospitals to bolster its campaign while in other areas it used maize and mealie meal to buy votes from the already starving villagers.

According to Mthwakazi Liberation Front leader, Mr David Magagula, the election is one process that has added woes in the lives of the unitary Zimbabwe particularly Mthwakazi people and will continue to do so until all those party leaders that claim to represent Mthwakazi wake up and start smelling some coffee. " The first election that brought Mthwakazi into crisis that she finds herself in, today happened in 1923. Better that one because we were completely sidelined. We never took part in  legitimising the colonial rule over us." Magagula said. "Then came the 1980 vote. Dr Joshua Nkomo, one of the rare breed of Nationalists that Africa has ever produced, was tipped to win the election and was 100% confident of victory. If one could win an election in Zimbabwe because of how much people love him or her, the 1980 election could have happened as a formality only to indicate the new dawn of democracy in Zimbabwe. He had support bases in some parts of Mashonaland. His party  followers there had even given him the nickname 'Chibwe chitedza', (a mountain very slippery and too high to climb). On the other hand, Robert Mugabe and ZANU were enemies of even the unborn babies in Mthwakazi/ Matabeleland. No-one knew or wanted to know Mugabe and his ZANU as worth following. That clearly indicated that Joshua Nkomo was set to sweep the election, but what happened? Who emerged as the winner, ZANU. In year 2000, 2008, 13 and recently in 2018, ZANU lost all those elections but they have remained in power, regardless. Why? ZANU rigs elections. ZANU manipulates election processes to favour them. ZANU uses excessive force to gain, maintain or shift power towards them. So what is going to differ this time around, to see ZANU let go of Mthwakazi through an election if they can't just let go of power through it?" Magagula asked.

The research noted that ZANU leadership doesn't not believe in peaceful solving of problems that engulf Zimbabwe which is why Robert Mugabe once told Morgan Tshwangirai that Zimbabwe was delivered from colonialism through the barrel of a gun and it can never be taken over by someone through the paper and pen. The manner in which Mugabe was toppled by the armies adds weight to what Mr David Magagula said because, if ZANU had lost confidence in Mugabe, why did they not impeach him as a party without the armies moving in? All the claims of flawed election processes in Zimbabwe are evident enough that all those that think Mthwakazi will be delivered through election are only legitimising the rule of Zimbabwe over Mthwakazi and are contributing more in the crisis of misrule and marginalisation of Mthwakazi as witnessed by the Kambarami incident . Had all Mthwakazi people not partaken in the recent election, none would justify the existence of non Mthwakazi councillors in Mthwakazi land.

Mthwakazi Institute of Research is a legally registered research organization under the Companies and Intellectual Property Commission of South Africa.
Contact +27 62 673 3536/ +27 73 126 8684



Source - Mthwakazi Institute of Research
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