Opinion / Columnist
The militarisation of Zimbabwean politics bad for democracy, freedoms
04 Oct 2020 at 05:11hrs | Views
The military remains a decisive power-bloc in transition politics of Zimbabwe.
Its decisive role has been highlighted in four interrelated ways.
First, the military elite captured Zanu-PF as early as 1975 and they continue to use it as a conduit for its interests in transition politics.
This has gone to the extent of turning Zanu-PF into more of a retirement package and/or work for the aged security personnel.
The civilian masses within the party have been reduced into mere sloganeering crowds and compradors canvassing support for the interests of the military from time to time.
The military uses "declaration of support" by most senior members of the army pronouncing the position of the military regarding the presidential candidates.
The position has been that the military will only recognise a Zanu-PF functionary as president.
This is done on state media and/or televised to reach a wider cross-section of voters so that the choice of the military is heard by many.
Given the past experiences of electoral violence perpetrated by the military targeting opposition voters, voting any other candidate rather than the one supported by the military becomes a risk not only to the voter, but beloved ones too.
The Mnangagwa administration continues being captured to pursue vested interests of the military as was done in the Mugabe era.
However, three key innovations have been added:
(i) The deployment of the military to control transition has been intensified and overt;
(ii) The violence disbursed has been brazen and deep cutting;
(iii) Information sharing and media freedom have been increased to create a democratic picture of the regime abroad and to increase the number of recipients of fear and trauma created by news of military deployment and violence.
For transition to succeed, it must have a decisive power-bloc supporting it. Former president Robert Mugabe's departure was enabled by the decisive role of the military.
The post-election protests in August 2018 were cut short by the decisive role of the military too.
The future of political transition, be it regime change or change of governance culture, lies in the ability to cause support of the military for the transition.
Given the deep-seated relations between the military and Zanu-PF, a "force majeure" is needed to cause support for democratic transition within the military to ensure success of the transition.
Recommendations
Human rights and democracy defenders in and outside the country should redefine the democratic transition problem in a way that identifies the military as a primary and decisive power-bloc in transition politics of Zimbabwe.
-For democratic transition to be successful, it must have support of key members of the military in Zimbabwe.
A research on the homogeneity of the military and interests thereof should be sponsored to ventilate possible entry points for coalition building
-Human rights and democracy defenders must endeavour to internationalise the transition problem in Zimbabwe by lobbying regional and international bodies to raise the costs of continued militarisation in Zimbabwe.
-Concerted efforts should be targeted at bursting the role of the military in key transition enabling processes such as the electoral environment, the protests, the media, the farms and the judiciary. Advocacy and lobbying at national and international level should seek to address the militarisation and exposure of brutality in these transition pressure points.
This will create an enabling environment for democratic transition to occur.
-Security sector reform should be adopted as the main agenda by pro-democratic transition agents to enable the military to re-assert its neutral and patriotic duty to the nation.
-Military leaders must be made to proclaim under oath on national television and radio stations renouncing their affiliation to any political party, condemning such affiliations and proclaiming their readiness to support any winning candidate in elections.
-Military leadership must be seen condemning ad publicly opposing all acts of electoral manipulation and violence that threaten the longevity of peace in the country without taking sides.
This will rebuild the lost trust, neutrality and respect in the public.
Its decisive role has been highlighted in four interrelated ways.
First, the military elite captured Zanu-PF as early as 1975 and they continue to use it as a conduit for its interests in transition politics.
This has gone to the extent of turning Zanu-PF into more of a retirement package and/or work for the aged security personnel.
The civilian masses within the party have been reduced into mere sloganeering crowds and compradors canvassing support for the interests of the military from time to time.
The military uses "declaration of support" by most senior members of the army pronouncing the position of the military regarding the presidential candidates.
The position has been that the military will only recognise a Zanu-PF functionary as president.
This is done on state media and/or televised to reach a wider cross-section of voters so that the choice of the military is heard by many.
Given the past experiences of electoral violence perpetrated by the military targeting opposition voters, voting any other candidate rather than the one supported by the military becomes a risk not only to the voter, but beloved ones too.
The Mnangagwa administration continues being captured to pursue vested interests of the military as was done in the Mugabe era.
However, three key innovations have been added:
(i) The deployment of the military to control transition has been intensified and overt;
(ii) The violence disbursed has been brazen and deep cutting;
(iii) Information sharing and media freedom have been increased to create a democratic picture of the regime abroad and to increase the number of recipients of fear and trauma created by news of military deployment and violence.
For transition to succeed, it must have a decisive power-bloc supporting it. Former president Robert Mugabe's departure was enabled by the decisive role of the military.
The future of political transition, be it regime change or change of governance culture, lies in the ability to cause support of the military for the transition.
Given the deep-seated relations between the military and Zanu-PF, a "force majeure" is needed to cause support for democratic transition within the military to ensure success of the transition.
Recommendations
Human rights and democracy defenders in and outside the country should redefine the democratic transition problem in a way that identifies the military as a primary and decisive power-bloc in transition politics of Zimbabwe.
-For democratic transition to be successful, it must have support of key members of the military in Zimbabwe.
A research on the homogeneity of the military and interests thereof should be sponsored to ventilate possible entry points for coalition building
-Human rights and democracy defenders must endeavour to internationalise the transition problem in Zimbabwe by lobbying regional and international bodies to raise the costs of continued militarisation in Zimbabwe.
-Concerted efforts should be targeted at bursting the role of the military in key transition enabling processes such as the electoral environment, the protests, the media, the farms and the judiciary. Advocacy and lobbying at national and international level should seek to address the militarisation and exposure of brutality in these transition pressure points.
This will create an enabling environment for democratic transition to occur.
-Security sector reform should be adopted as the main agenda by pro-democratic transition agents to enable the military to re-assert its neutral and patriotic duty to the nation.
-Military leaders must be made to proclaim under oath on national television and radio stations renouncing their affiliation to any political party, condemning such affiliations and proclaiming their readiness to support any winning candidate in elections.
-Military leadership must be seen condemning ad publicly opposing all acts of electoral manipulation and violence that threaten the longevity of peace in the country without taking sides.
This will rebuild the lost trust, neutrality and respect in the public.
Source - the standard
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