Opinion / Columnist
Call for reparations: A mere excuse by failed African leaders!
23 Oct 2024 at 20:31hrs | Views
As the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting (CHOGM) kicked off this week in Samoa, the topic of reparations for slavery and colonialism has once again been thrust into the spotlight.
Several African nations have taken this opportunity to press their demands for reparations from Western countries, arguing that these historical injustices require compensation.
However, while the suffering caused by slavery and colonialism is undeniable, the calls for reparations in today's context raise several important questions about historical morality, governance, and the responsibility of modern African states.
Historical Context: Slavery and Colonialism as Global Phenomena
We need to first understand the historical context of slavery and colonialism and how even African kingdoms participated in the slave trade.
The Ashanti Empire was a prominent player in the West African slave trade.
They captured prisoners from rival tribes and sold them to European traders in exchange for firearms and goods. The kingdom thrived economically through this practice, contributing significantly to the transatlantic slave trade.
Similar to the Ashanti, the Dahomey in Benin was notorious for its aggressive slave raids. The Dahomey rulers sold thousands of their fellow Africans into slavery in return for European goods and military support.
To directly receive articles from Tendai Ruben Mbofana, please join his WhatsApp Channel on: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaqprWCIyPtRnKpkHe08
The committing of slavery and colonialism wasn't limited to Western countries.
The Ndebele kingdom in Zimbabwe, for example, waged war against Shona-speaking peoples and enslaved many.
Empires like the Zulu, Mutapa, Rozvi, and the Mali Empire dominated and colonized neighboring peoples, taking control of lands and resources.
As a matter of fact, from the 16th century, the Munhumutapa (kings of the Mutapa Empire) captured and sold people as slaves to the Portuguese.
This shows that the concept of conquest and subjugation was deeply rooted in human history across the globe.
Western Empires and Internal Colonialism
Furthermore, slavery and colonialism were not only met by Africans.
History shows us that this was a worldwide phenomenon.
The Roman Empire colonized Britain for nearly 400 years, subjecting the native Britons to military rule and economic exploitation.
The Roman occupation was one of subjugation, but it was an accepted part of empire-building during that era.
During the 8th to 11th centuries, Norse Vikings frequently raided and colonized parts of Britain, Ireland, and northern France.
These invasions were brutal, and many British communities were subjugated or enslaved.
Yet, in spite of this dark history, never have we heard the British or French demanding reparations from the Italians or Scandinavians.
Why is this?
Human history did not condemn slavery or conquest until well into the 19th and 20th centuries.
The world's growing awareness of human rights and dignity post-World War II culminated in international institutions like the United Nations condemning genocide, slavery, and colonial exploitation.
It is in this context that modern reparations movements have emerged.
This mutual history of conflict suggests that calls for reparations from Western powers to Africa overlook the cyclical nature of power dynamics in human history.
Would it make sense for the British to now demand reparations from Scandinavia or Italy for Viking and Roman conquests?
Should the Shona demand reparations from the Ndebele?
Should the Swazi, Sotho, Tsonga, Pondo, and others seek reparations from the Zulu?
Surely not.
Legal Framework Governing Genocide and Reparations in the Modern Context
We need to understand that there are things, regardless of how despicable and horrendous, that were an acceptable and everyday part of life before the 20th century.
However, with the advent of modern civilization, the world began to frown upon such acts, thereby enacting laws to not only prevent but also punish perpetrators.
Article 4 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights prohibits slavery and servitude in all forms. It states that “no one shall be held in slavery or servitude.”
There is also the 1956 Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery.
This convention expands on earlier treaties by explicitly criminalizing slavery-like practices such as forced marriage and debt bondage.
Similarly, the 1930 International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention No. 29 on Forced Labour prohibits all forms of forced or compulsory labor, which is a form of modern slavery.
We also have the ILO Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour Convention and the 2000 Palermo Protocol.
The 1960 United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1514 – known as the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples – calls for the end of colonialism and states that the subjugation of peoples under foreign rule is a violation of human rights.
The 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples protects the rights of indigenous peoples who suffered due to colonization, emphasizing the right to self-determination, cultural integrity, and reparations for past abuses.
Whilst the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) guarantees all peoples the right to self-determination, marking the principle that colonized peoples have the right to pursue their political, economic, and social development independently.
As for genocide, the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide – commonly known as the Genocide Convention – defines genocide and establishes it as a crime under international law, regardless of whether it occurs in times of war or peace.
States are required to prevent and punish acts of genocide.
The 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has jurisdiction over genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and the crime of aggression.
Genocide is defined as acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group.
We have witnessed the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in 1994) which was created by the UN Security Council to prosecute those responsible for the Rwandan Genocide.
It set a precedent for the international prosecution of genocide.
There was also the 1993 International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which, similar to the ICTR, dealt with war crimes and acts of genocide during the Yugoslav Wars, including the Srebrenica massacre, considered an act of genocide.
Together, these legal frameworks establish that slavery, colonialism, and genocide are universally prohibited and punishable under international law.
They provide mechanisms for addressing and prosecuting these crimes, making it clear that the global community no longer tolerates such actions.
Nonetheless, this was not the case during the slave trade or colonialism in the pre-20th century.
In that era, these deplorable and vile acts were commonplace and, as already witnessed, even committed by Africans themselves.
Global response to modern-day atrocities
The Holocaust is one of the most recent examples of genocide, where the international community demanded justice and reparations for the atrocities committed.
The state of Israel received reparations from Germany, and Jewish survivors were compensated.
However, this modern form of reparations was grounded in contemporary human rights principles.
In the 1980s Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe's Fifth Brigade massacred more than 20,000 Ndebele people in Matabeleland under the guise of quelling dissent.
This was a violation of modern human rights laws and occurred in a post-colonial era, meaning the demand for justice and reparations holds stronger legitimacy compared to events that happened centuries ago.
Over a million Armenians were killed by the Ottoman Empire in 1915 during World War I.
Despite ongoing demands for recognition and reparations from Turkey, the situation is treated as distinct from earlier historical genocides like the Mongol invasions, given its proximity to the modern era and the establishment of international norms regarding genocide.
As can be clearly seen, there is justification for reparations payments for atrocities committed in the modern era since there are now international laws that prohibit and penalize such acts.
Nevertheless, the same can not be said of the same acts committed when humankind still believed that enslaving and colonizing others was a normal facet of life.
Africa's Resources and the Myth of Eternal Victimhood
Why should Africa even be talking of reparations today when the continent is endowed with vast natural resources to develop itself?
Surely, what will an additional millions or billions of dollars do for the continent that its own abundant richest have failed to achieve?
Or, is the issue of reparations a mere smokescreen to the continent's own failure to govern itself?
Africa holds 12% of the world's oil reserves. Nigeria, Angola, and Libya are major oil producers. Nigeria alone generates approximately $60 billion annually from oil.
Despite this wealth, much of the population lives in poverty, highlighting the mismanagement of these resources.
Africa is home to 40% of the world's gold reserves and 90% of its platinum.
South Africa, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Botswana have significant diamond deposits, yet income inequality remains rampant, and much of the population lives on less than $2 a day.
Middle East: A Study in Contrast
With one of the highest GDP per capita in the world ($62,000 as of 2023), Qatar has used its oil and gas revenues to transform itself into a global financial hub with state-of-the-art infrastructure, universal healthcare, and free education for its citizens.
The UAE has similarly harnessed its oil wealth, boasting a GDP per capita of over $40,000. Investments in tourism, real estate, and financial services have diversified its economy, offering its citizens a high standard of living.
In contrast, African nations with equal or greater natural wealth have failed to uplift their populations due to corruption and poor governance.
Corruption and Governance: The Real African Crisis
Nigeria is the largest oil producer in Africa, earning approximately $60 billion annually from oil exports.
However, due to widespread corruption, much of this wealth does not benefit the general population.
According to the Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI), Nigeria lost over $400 billion to oil-related corruption between 1960 and 2020.
In 2021, Nigeria's petroleum sector reported the loss of approximately 200,000 barrels of oil per day due to theft and sabotage, costing the nation around $4.2 billion in a year.
Angola is the second-largest oil producer in Africa, yet over 50% of the population lives in poverty.
According to Transparency International, former President José Eduardo dos Santos and his family siphoned billions from the state's oil wealth, leaving behind a legacy of economic inequality and crumbling infrastructure.
The state oil company Sonangol was at the center of corruption scandals involving the misappropriation of billions.
Isabel dos Santos, the former president's daughter, was accused of looting over $2 billion from state funds, despite Angola being one of Africa's most resource-rich nations.
Zimbabwe's Marange diamond fields are estimated to have produced over $15 billion in diamonds since 2006.
However, most of this wealth has gone unaccounted for.
A 2017 report by Global Witness revealed that military and political elites controlled the diamond trade, with little to no benefit for ordinary Zimbabweans.
Despite the country's diamond wealth, Zimbabwe's poverty rate hovers at around 49%, and unemployment is rampant.
According to the World Bank, Zimbabwe loses $2 billion annually to corruption, highlighting the systemic mismanagement of resources.
Africa's Broader Corruption Problem
Africa loses an estimated $88.6 billion annually to illicit financial flows (IFFs), including tax evasion, corruption, and money laundering.
This figure is roughly equivalent to 3.7% of the continent's GDP.
While African countries receive significant amounts of foreign aid—totaling $50 billion annually—much of it is siphoned off due to corruption.
A study by the African Union showed that around 25% of Africa's GDP is lost to corruption each year.
Reparations: An Easy Escape from Accountability
Even if Africa were to receive reparations, what guarantees are there that this money will also not be looted and misappropriated by the ruling elite?
Let's remember, this has happened before.
In Zimbabwe, land reform programs intended to redistribute land from white farmers to black citizens have been mired in corruption and political favoritism.
Much of the redistributed land went to political elites rather than poor rural farmers, resulting in widespread hunger and economic collapse.
Britain, through its Department for International Development (DFID), contributed tens of millions of pounds to support land reform from 1980 to the mid-1990s.
However, reports of elite capture and diversion of funds began to surface, suggesting that large portions of these funds were not reaching the intended beneficiaries.
According to some estimates, of the £44 million that Britain initially set aside for land reform under the “willing buyer, willing seller” model, only a fraction was actually used to purchase land for the landless poor.
African governments have received over $2 trillion in development aid since the 1960s. However, this aid has done little to spur sustainable development due to systemic corruption.
Countries like South Sudan and the DRC have continued to receive billions in foreign assistance, only for much of it to disappear into the hands of warlords and corrupt officials.
Deflecting Responsibility
African leaders' persistent calls for reparations from Western countries for slavery and colonialism serve as a convenient way to avoid responsibility for their governance failures.
Instead of addressing corruption, inadequate public services, and the plundering of natural resources, they focus on the past to evade accountability for their present actions.
Conclusion
Reparations for slavery and colonialism, while appealing to some, overlook the broader historical context of human conquest and suffering.
The demand for reparations from Western nations is a distraction from Africa's real challenges: corruption, poor governance, and mismanagement of vast natural resources.
African leaders must take responsibility for their role in impoverishing their people, rather than deflecting blame to events that happened centuries ago.
With wealth in oil, diamonds, gold, and other minerals, Africa could be one of the richest continents on Earth.
Instead, its leaders must focus on reforming their governance systems, tackling corruption, and ensuring that their people finally benefit from the continent's abundant resources.
© Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. Please feel free to WhatsApp or Call: +263715667700 | +263782283975, or email: mbofana.tendairuben73@gmail.com, or visit website: https://mbofanatendairuben.news.blog/
Several African nations have taken this opportunity to press their demands for reparations from Western countries, arguing that these historical injustices require compensation.
However, while the suffering caused by slavery and colonialism is undeniable, the calls for reparations in today's context raise several important questions about historical morality, governance, and the responsibility of modern African states.
Historical Context: Slavery and Colonialism as Global Phenomena
We need to first understand the historical context of slavery and colonialism and how even African kingdoms participated in the slave trade.
The Ashanti Empire was a prominent player in the West African slave trade.
They captured prisoners from rival tribes and sold them to European traders in exchange for firearms and goods. The kingdom thrived economically through this practice, contributing significantly to the transatlantic slave trade.
Similar to the Ashanti, the Dahomey in Benin was notorious for its aggressive slave raids. The Dahomey rulers sold thousands of their fellow Africans into slavery in return for European goods and military support.
To directly receive articles from Tendai Ruben Mbofana, please join his WhatsApp Channel on: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaqprWCIyPtRnKpkHe08
The committing of slavery and colonialism wasn't limited to Western countries.
The Ndebele kingdom in Zimbabwe, for example, waged war against Shona-speaking peoples and enslaved many.
Empires like the Zulu, Mutapa, Rozvi, and the Mali Empire dominated and colonized neighboring peoples, taking control of lands and resources.
As a matter of fact, from the 16th century, the Munhumutapa (kings of the Mutapa Empire) captured and sold people as slaves to the Portuguese.
This shows that the concept of conquest and subjugation was deeply rooted in human history across the globe.
Western Empires and Internal Colonialism
Furthermore, slavery and colonialism were not only met by Africans.
History shows us that this was a worldwide phenomenon.
The Roman Empire colonized Britain for nearly 400 years, subjecting the native Britons to military rule and economic exploitation.
The Roman occupation was one of subjugation, but it was an accepted part of empire-building during that era.
During the 8th to 11th centuries, Norse Vikings frequently raided and colonized parts of Britain, Ireland, and northern France.
These invasions were brutal, and many British communities were subjugated or enslaved.
Yet, in spite of this dark history, never have we heard the British or French demanding reparations from the Italians or Scandinavians.
Why is this?
Human history did not condemn slavery or conquest until well into the 19th and 20th centuries.
The world's growing awareness of human rights and dignity post-World War II culminated in international institutions like the United Nations condemning genocide, slavery, and colonial exploitation.
It is in this context that modern reparations movements have emerged.
This mutual history of conflict suggests that calls for reparations from Western powers to Africa overlook the cyclical nature of power dynamics in human history.
Would it make sense for the British to now demand reparations from Scandinavia or Italy for Viking and Roman conquests?
Should the Shona demand reparations from the Ndebele?
Should the Swazi, Sotho, Tsonga, Pondo, and others seek reparations from the Zulu?
Surely not.
Legal Framework Governing Genocide and Reparations in the Modern Context
We need to understand that there are things, regardless of how despicable and horrendous, that were an acceptable and everyday part of life before the 20th century.
However, with the advent of modern civilization, the world began to frown upon such acts, thereby enacting laws to not only prevent but also punish perpetrators.
Article 4 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights prohibits slavery and servitude in all forms. It states that “no one shall be held in slavery or servitude.”
There is also the 1956 Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery.
This convention expands on earlier treaties by explicitly criminalizing slavery-like practices such as forced marriage and debt bondage.
Similarly, the 1930 International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention No. 29 on Forced Labour prohibits all forms of forced or compulsory labor, which is a form of modern slavery.
We also have the ILO Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour Convention and the 2000 Palermo Protocol.
The 1960 United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1514 – known as the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples – calls for the end of colonialism and states that the subjugation of peoples under foreign rule is a violation of human rights.
The 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples protects the rights of indigenous peoples who suffered due to colonization, emphasizing the right to self-determination, cultural integrity, and reparations for past abuses.
Whilst the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) guarantees all peoples the right to self-determination, marking the principle that colonized peoples have the right to pursue their political, economic, and social development independently.
As for genocide, the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide – commonly known as the Genocide Convention – defines genocide and establishes it as a crime under international law, regardless of whether it occurs in times of war or peace.
States are required to prevent and punish acts of genocide.
The 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has jurisdiction over genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and the crime of aggression.
Genocide is defined as acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group.
We have witnessed the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in 1994) which was created by the UN Security Council to prosecute those responsible for the Rwandan Genocide.
It set a precedent for the international prosecution of genocide.
There was also the 1993 International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which, similar to the ICTR, dealt with war crimes and acts of genocide during the Yugoslav Wars, including the Srebrenica massacre, considered an act of genocide.
Together, these legal frameworks establish that slavery, colonialism, and genocide are universally prohibited and punishable under international law.
They provide mechanisms for addressing and prosecuting these crimes, making it clear that the global community no longer tolerates such actions.
Nonetheless, this was not the case during the slave trade or colonialism in the pre-20th century.
In that era, these deplorable and vile acts were commonplace and, as already witnessed, even committed by Africans themselves.
Global response to modern-day atrocities
The Holocaust is one of the most recent examples of genocide, where the international community demanded justice and reparations for the atrocities committed.
The state of Israel received reparations from Germany, and Jewish survivors were compensated.
However, this modern form of reparations was grounded in contemporary human rights principles.
This was a violation of modern human rights laws and occurred in a post-colonial era, meaning the demand for justice and reparations holds stronger legitimacy compared to events that happened centuries ago.
Over a million Armenians were killed by the Ottoman Empire in 1915 during World War I.
Despite ongoing demands for recognition and reparations from Turkey, the situation is treated as distinct from earlier historical genocides like the Mongol invasions, given its proximity to the modern era and the establishment of international norms regarding genocide.
As can be clearly seen, there is justification for reparations payments for atrocities committed in the modern era since there are now international laws that prohibit and penalize such acts.
Nevertheless, the same can not be said of the same acts committed when humankind still believed that enslaving and colonizing others was a normal facet of life.
Africa's Resources and the Myth of Eternal Victimhood
Why should Africa even be talking of reparations today when the continent is endowed with vast natural resources to develop itself?
Surely, what will an additional millions or billions of dollars do for the continent that its own abundant richest have failed to achieve?
Or, is the issue of reparations a mere smokescreen to the continent's own failure to govern itself?
Africa holds 12% of the world's oil reserves. Nigeria, Angola, and Libya are major oil producers. Nigeria alone generates approximately $60 billion annually from oil.
Despite this wealth, much of the population lives in poverty, highlighting the mismanagement of these resources.
Africa is home to 40% of the world's gold reserves and 90% of its platinum.
South Africa, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Botswana have significant diamond deposits, yet income inequality remains rampant, and much of the population lives on less than $2 a day.
Middle East: A Study in Contrast
With one of the highest GDP per capita in the world ($62,000 as of 2023), Qatar has used its oil and gas revenues to transform itself into a global financial hub with state-of-the-art infrastructure, universal healthcare, and free education for its citizens.
The UAE has similarly harnessed its oil wealth, boasting a GDP per capita of over $40,000. Investments in tourism, real estate, and financial services have diversified its economy, offering its citizens a high standard of living.
In contrast, African nations with equal or greater natural wealth have failed to uplift their populations due to corruption and poor governance.
Corruption and Governance: The Real African Crisis
Nigeria is the largest oil producer in Africa, earning approximately $60 billion annually from oil exports.
However, due to widespread corruption, much of this wealth does not benefit the general population.
According to the Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI), Nigeria lost over $400 billion to oil-related corruption between 1960 and 2020.
In 2021, Nigeria's petroleum sector reported the loss of approximately 200,000 barrels of oil per day due to theft and sabotage, costing the nation around $4.2 billion in a year.
Angola is the second-largest oil producer in Africa, yet over 50% of the population lives in poverty.
According to Transparency International, former President José Eduardo dos Santos and his family siphoned billions from the state's oil wealth, leaving behind a legacy of economic inequality and crumbling infrastructure.
The state oil company Sonangol was at the center of corruption scandals involving the misappropriation of billions.
Isabel dos Santos, the former president's daughter, was accused of looting over $2 billion from state funds, despite Angola being one of Africa's most resource-rich nations.
Zimbabwe's Marange diamond fields are estimated to have produced over $15 billion in diamonds since 2006.
However, most of this wealth has gone unaccounted for.
A 2017 report by Global Witness revealed that military and political elites controlled the diamond trade, with little to no benefit for ordinary Zimbabweans.
Despite the country's diamond wealth, Zimbabwe's poverty rate hovers at around 49%, and unemployment is rampant.
According to the World Bank, Zimbabwe loses $2 billion annually to corruption, highlighting the systemic mismanagement of resources.
Africa's Broader Corruption Problem
Africa loses an estimated $88.6 billion annually to illicit financial flows (IFFs), including tax evasion, corruption, and money laundering.
This figure is roughly equivalent to 3.7% of the continent's GDP.
While African countries receive significant amounts of foreign aid—totaling $50 billion annually—much of it is siphoned off due to corruption.
A study by the African Union showed that around 25% of Africa's GDP is lost to corruption each year.
Reparations: An Easy Escape from Accountability
Even if Africa were to receive reparations, what guarantees are there that this money will also not be looted and misappropriated by the ruling elite?
Let's remember, this has happened before.
In Zimbabwe, land reform programs intended to redistribute land from white farmers to black citizens have been mired in corruption and political favoritism.
Much of the redistributed land went to political elites rather than poor rural farmers, resulting in widespread hunger and economic collapse.
Britain, through its Department for International Development (DFID), contributed tens of millions of pounds to support land reform from 1980 to the mid-1990s.
However, reports of elite capture and diversion of funds began to surface, suggesting that large portions of these funds were not reaching the intended beneficiaries.
According to some estimates, of the £44 million that Britain initially set aside for land reform under the “willing buyer, willing seller” model, only a fraction was actually used to purchase land for the landless poor.
African governments have received over $2 trillion in development aid since the 1960s. However, this aid has done little to spur sustainable development due to systemic corruption.
Countries like South Sudan and the DRC have continued to receive billions in foreign assistance, only for much of it to disappear into the hands of warlords and corrupt officials.
Deflecting Responsibility
African leaders' persistent calls for reparations from Western countries for slavery and colonialism serve as a convenient way to avoid responsibility for their governance failures.
Instead of addressing corruption, inadequate public services, and the plundering of natural resources, they focus on the past to evade accountability for their present actions.
Conclusion
Reparations for slavery and colonialism, while appealing to some, overlook the broader historical context of human conquest and suffering.
The demand for reparations from Western nations is a distraction from Africa's real challenges: corruption, poor governance, and mismanagement of vast natural resources.
African leaders must take responsibility for their role in impoverishing their people, rather than deflecting blame to events that happened centuries ago.
With wealth in oil, diamonds, gold, and other minerals, Africa could be one of the richest continents on Earth.
Instead, its leaders must focus on reforming their governance systems, tackling corruption, and ensuring that their people finally benefit from the continent's abundant resources.
© Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. Please feel free to WhatsApp or Call: +263715667700 | +263782283975, or email: mbofana.tendairuben73@gmail.com, or visit website: https://mbofanatendairuben.news.blog/
Source - Tendai Ruben Mbofana
All articles and letters published on Bulawayo24 have been independently written by members of Bulawayo24's community. The views of users published on Bulawayo24 are therefore their own and do not necessarily represent the views of Bulawayo24. Bulawayo24 editors also reserve the right to edit or delete any and all comments received.