Opinion / Columnist
'Generals for sale' and the cracks in Zimbabwe's military
4 hrs ago | Views

Blessed Geza's recent broadcast, in which he dramatically declared there are "generals for sale," may have sounded like another bitter outburst from a disillusioned war veteran. But beneath the bravado lies a revealing truth about the dangerous fault lines widening within the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) - divisions triggered by President Emmerson Mnangagwa's increasingly desperate bid to remain in power beyond the constitutionally-mandated 2028 deadline.
Geza is not just any war veteran. He represents a powerful faction of former liberation fighters who are losing faith in a man they once backed to topple Robert Mugabe in 2017. His message, raw and accusatory, reflects what insiders and observers have suspected for months: the once unified military establishment that helped bring Mnangagwa to power is now deeply divided over his succession plans - and more crucially, his ambition to extend his presidency to 2030 or beyond.
At the heart of this internal discord is a growing realisation that Mnangagwa, who came to power riding on the promise of restoring dignity, transparency and rule of law, has instead entrenched a regime riddled with corruption, nepotism and paranoia. His efforts to entrench himself in power mirror the very excesses for which Mugabe was deposed. And, ironically, Mnangagwa now fears the same fate - a palace coup, potentially backed by generals loyal to his once-trusted deputy, Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga.
Mnangagwa's calculated moves - including the removal of Lieutenant-General Anselem Sanyatwe and replacing him with Lieutenant-General Emmanuel Matatu, a close ally of General Philip Valerio Sibanda - signal an attempt to fortify his command over the military hierarchy. That these replacements are from Gokwe, his Midlands power base, and part of the broader Sibanda/Shumba clan, only further expose the ethno-political dynamics at play in what should be a national institution.
But these moves have not gone unnoticed. Chiwenga, whose roots in the ZDF run deep and whose influence stretches back to his 14-year tenure as commander, remains a formidable force. His sympathisers within the army, including Sanyatwe (now repositioned as Sports Minister), are openly resistant to Mnangagwa's extended term ambitions. Their opposition is not just ideological - it is strategic. It reflects a battle for control over the levers of state power, resources, and the right to dictate Zimbabwe's future leadership.
This standoff has also exposed Mnangagwa's weak constitutional footing. Under current law, Zimbabwean presidents are limited to two five-year terms. Changing this would not only require a parliamentary amendment, which Zanu PF can technically push through, but also a public referendum. And even then, the law clearly states that an incumbent cannot benefit from such an amendment. For Mnangagwa to stay until 2030, he would need to defy constitutional norms - or change them twice. That is the scale of the legal and political acrobatics required.
To circumvent this, Mnangagwa's camp is reportedly mulling a more dangerous path - delaying the 2028 elections through parliamentary means. This would amount to a de facto coup against the constitution, a brazen abuse of parliamentary power, and a serious breach of Zimbabwe's democratic compact. Legal analysts have rightly warned that such a move would be tantamount to subversion, eroding the last vestiges of legitimacy that Mnangagwa still clings to.
Geza's outcry, then, must be seen not just as political noise, but as a warning flare. He speaks for a growing chorus within the liberation movement, the military, and even the public, who see Mnangagwa's prolonged rule not only as unconstitutional but also dangerously destabilising. For many, Chiwenga represents a natural successor - not because he is untainted, but because he is perceived to have the institutional muscle, historical backing, and strategic alliances to assert control and, perhaps, restore some semblance of order.
The army's veto power has always loomed large in Zimbabwean politics. It was decisive in 2008, it was decisive in 2017, and it will be decisive again. As things stand, the ZDF appears increasingly inclined to draw the line. If Mnangagwa insists on pushing through his extended term agenda against the will of both the constitution and key military stakeholders, the country could be heading toward another confrontation - one with potentially explosive consequences.
Mnangagwa may have once believed that power secured by the gun could be sustained by manipulation and patronage. But the very same gun, now in uneasy and divided hands, could yet determine his political fate - again. Blessed Geza believes Chiwenga will win in the end. If the tide within the ZDF continues to turn, he just might be right.
Geza is not just any war veteran. He represents a powerful faction of former liberation fighters who are losing faith in a man they once backed to topple Robert Mugabe in 2017. His message, raw and accusatory, reflects what insiders and observers have suspected for months: the once unified military establishment that helped bring Mnangagwa to power is now deeply divided over his succession plans - and more crucially, his ambition to extend his presidency to 2030 or beyond.
At the heart of this internal discord is a growing realisation that Mnangagwa, who came to power riding on the promise of restoring dignity, transparency and rule of law, has instead entrenched a regime riddled with corruption, nepotism and paranoia. His efforts to entrench himself in power mirror the very excesses for which Mugabe was deposed. And, ironically, Mnangagwa now fears the same fate - a palace coup, potentially backed by generals loyal to his once-trusted deputy, Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga.
Mnangagwa's calculated moves - including the removal of Lieutenant-General Anselem Sanyatwe and replacing him with Lieutenant-General Emmanuel Matatu, a close ally of General Philip Valerio Sibanda - signal an attempt to fortify his command over the military hierarchy. That these replacements are from Gokwe, his Midlands power base, and part of the broader Sibanda/Shumba clan, only further expose the ethno-political dynamics at play in what should be a national institution.
But these moves have not gone unnoticed. Chiwenga, whose roots in the ZDF run deep and whose influence stretches back to his 14-year tenure as commander, remains a formidable force. His sympathisers within the army, including Sanyatwe (now repositioned as Sports Minister), are openly resistant to Mnangagwa's extended term ambitions. Their opposition is not just ideological - it is strategic. It reflects a battle for control over the levers of state power, resources, and the right to dictate Zimbabwe's future leadership.
To circumvent this, Mnangagwa's camp is reportedly mulling a more dangerous path - delaying the 2028 elections through parliamentary means. This would amount to a de facto coup against the constitution, a brazen abuse of parliamentary power, and a serious breach of Zimbabwe's democratic compact. Legal analysts have rightly warned that such a move would be tantamount to subversion, eroding the last vestiges of legitimacy that Mnangagwa still clings to.
Geza's outcry, then, must be seen not just as political noise, but as a warning flare. He speaks for a growing chorus within the liberation movement, the military, and even the public, who see Mnangagwa's prolonged rule not only as unconstitutional but also dangerously destabilising. For many, Chiwenga represents a natural successor - not because he is untainted, but because he is perceived to have the institutional muscle, historical backing, and strategic alliances to assert control and, perhaps, restore some semblance of order.
The army's veto power has always loomed large in Zimbabwean politics. It was decisive in 2008, it was decisive in 2017, and it will be decisive again. As things stand, the ZDF appears increasingly inclined to draw the line. If Mnangagwa insists on pushing through his extended term agenda against the will of both the constitution and key military stakeholders, the country could be heading toward another confrontation - one with potentially explosive consequences.
Mnangagwa may have once believed that power secured by the gun could be sustained by manipulation and patronage. But the very same gun, now in uneasy and divided hands, could yet determine his political fate - again. Blessed Geza believes Chiwenga will win in the end. If the tide within the ZDF continues to turn, he just might be right.
Source - Silambe Over
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