MDC-T cannot continue on an undemocratic path - voice from within

The MDC was formed with the sole purpose of providing a democratic alternative to Zanu-PF which had hitherto digressed from the path of the people's democratic revolution. 
It was hoped that the MDC would present a complete distinction from Zanu-PF thus affording the people an alternative platform to express and pursue their democratic aspirations. Over the years, the MDC has continued to fall abysmally short of this democratic threshold. The events on the 7th of March 2014 put this failure glaringly on the public domain. 
Since the expulsion of Munyaradzi Gwisai back then, the MDC has shown a tendency of intolerance whereby purging has become the default solution to dissenting and even divergent views. Constructive criticism has been and continues to be viewed and treated as rebellion. The rules and regulations enunciated by the party's constitution have been bastardized to the dustbins of history and the sole will of Morgan Tsvangirai and the sycophants that surround him have taken over as the order of the day. 
This is a very dangerous trajectory for a movement that not only provided enormous hope for the people of Zimbabwe but one which claimed to be a big church of divergent ideas. The failure of the MDC's internal democracy is testified by the gradual and incremental departure from the movement of some its key and founding alliances such as the NCA, the students movement, civil society in general, the business community and indeed many others. 
It is further demonstrated by the breakaway of other key political leaders such as Welshman Ncube, Job Sikala to name but a few who failed to find expression in the increasingly intolerant and personalized internal system of the party. 
Today, the MDC stands on the precipice of another split, an indictment on the leadership of Morgan Tsvangirai and his gatekeepers. This paper posits that the MDC cannot afford to continue on this undemocratic and lawless tirade. This is a very sad development particularly for Morgan Tsvangirai personally, who has been viewed as the apostle of democracy which has been the justification of the existence of the MDC. John Locke rightly observed "…the tremendous potentiality of power for making human life better, but [insisted] that it has to be entrusted only to those who were responsible towards those on whom it is exercised".
MDC's national council that was held on the 7th of March 2014 by all means failed to comply and conform to the procedural requirements enunciated in the constitution in relation to the steps that must be taken when suspending a member of the national standing committee. First and foremost, the national executive was supposed to be appraised of the charges being put before Mr. Elton Mangoma, and to be given an opportunity to reflect on them and decide whether to adopt and recommend them to national council. The national executive was never given such an opportunity. 
Members of the national executive clearly objected to the un-procedural manner in which the president sought to impose and sail through the charges without discussion. Realizing that the national executive would not approve the charges for the sake of approving them, the president adjourned the meeting only to return and inform members of the national executive that the charges would be taken to council with or without their approval. 
It is imperative to state that the national executive was not against the charges laid against Mr. Mangoma but queried the energy and velocity with which the matter was being treated, and the wisdom of pouring fuel on the fire rather than exploring and exhausting other amicable avenues to resolve the potentially explosive Mangoma issue. It was actually the national executive that had tasked the national chairman to draft charges against Mr. Mangoma, stating that his conduct in the media following the advent of his letter constituted a prima facie case of behavior that put the party into disrepute. Additionally, the national executive wanted to emphasize on the need to apply laws uniformly where misconduct occurred and afford Mr. Mangoma and indeed other previous or would-be offenders the right to reply. 
Members pointed to a coterie of other outstanding disciplinary cases which remain unresolved including the recent press outburst of Mr. Giles Mutsekwa of Manicaland and Mr. Morgan Ncube of Matebeleland claiming to have removed provincial chairpersons of their respective provinces which undoubtedly put the party into disrepute. Members also felt that a series of meetings which have been held to interrogate Mr. Mangoma's issue have systematically denied him the right of reply. The case in point is the recently held meeting of district chairpersons that became a chorus of condemning Mr. Mangoma without affording him an opportunity to defend himself. 
This situation was worsened by Mr. Douglas Mwonzora's inaccurate and misinformation of the media thereby compelling Mr. Mangoma to respond to the media to correct and clear some of the misperceptions which were being deliberately created by Mr. Mwonzora. A good example is the violent attack on Mr. Mangoma, myself and others on the 15th of February 2014 in which Mr. Mwonzora and Mr. Luke Tamborinyoka pathologically lied to the press that we had been assaulted by Zanu-PF thugs. 
This, to me personally was as unjust and unfair as it was shocking, and I was personally compelled to respond in the media to put the record straight. Personally, I could not sit back while my colleagues in the movement seemed to be covering up criminal behavior and where as a party we refused to acknowledge problems such as the cancer of violence. It became evidently clear that there was no intention whatsoever to tackle the problem. A problem accepted is a problem half-solved. Mwonzora and Tamborinyoka were clearly not interested in solving the problem. Nevertheless, Mr. Tsvangirai returned from the adjournment more defiant than ever before, instructing members of the national executive that the charges would be taken to the national council with or without the ratification and approval of the national executive. Reluctantly, members proceeded to the national council. The national council had more in store, it was literally a war room with rowdy youths aligned to Tsvangirai singing and chanting slogans that were clearly designed to intimidate and coerce members of the national council. 
Regrettably, some of the youths were not supposed to have been in the meeting as they are not members of the national council while genuine members of the national council were being barred from entering the meeting by the party's security details. They were unceremoniously informed at the door that they had been suspended and would be appraised of their charges later. As if all this was not enough, the conduction of the actual proceedings by the national chairman Mr. Lovemore Moyo revealed from the outset that Mr. Mangoma would never be afforded a fair, let alone a transparent democratic process. 
Mr. Lovemore Moyo asked the house whether to allow Mr. Mangoma to be present during the proceedings or not. The constitutional requirement is that the national chairman should have divided the house and asked them to vote on the matter, instead, he declared that calls for Mr. Mangoma to leave the house were louder therefore proceeded to ask him to leave the room. 
It took Mr. Mangoma's determination to object and put it on record that even in Zanu-PF controlled courts he had been accorded the right to be heard and that his numerous trials had taken place in his presence. Buoyed by the emphatic applause from the rowdy youths, Mr. Lovemore Moyo proceeded to ask Mr. Mangoma to leave the house. 
The proceedings thereafter went into overdrive, with the national chairman crushing all objections from members who were concerned with the unconstitutional and un-procedural form that the meeting was taking. Instead, Mr. Moyo proceeded to read the charge sheet after which, he then declared contrary to the constitutional requirements that there would be no secret, one man one vote. Alternatively, he would ask province by province whether they agreed with the charges. He proceeded to ask the provinces starting with Bulawayo and the slightest "hee" from members who were in agreement with the charges gave him the basis to claim that the concerned province had approved the charges, therefore the automatic suspension of Mr. Mangoma pending a disciplinary hearing. 
It remains a cryptic puzzle how Mr. Lovemore Moyo determined the two thirds that is required by the constitution to suspend a member of the standing committee. It is essential to state at this juncture the unfortunate decision by a man of Mr. Lovemore Moyo's stature to agree to be at the epicenter of this undemocratic rant that threatens to tear apart the heart fabric of the people's movement. On the basis of the afore-described events, Mr. Mangoma was deemed to be suspended. The events on the 7th of March are reminiscent of the sham elections which Zanu-PF has conducted since 2000. Apart from the violence and carnage that characterized the June 27 2008 run-off the events of 7 March 2014 constitute a sham of equal and similar proportion. It dawned to many that the MDC had taken a wrong turn in its quest for democratic change. 
Personal and factional considerations had subordinated the founding values, objectives and principles of the MDC in order to silence and punish Mr. Mangoma's views and opinions. It is the considered view of many who attended the fateful meeting that the process and procedures that were undertaken fell appallingly short of the requirements of the constitution. Therefore the proceedings were as null as they were void before even enquiring whether or not they reflected the views of the two thirds of the national council as demanded by the party's constitution. 
Some might question why members of council did not object to the un-procedural developments, including the secretary general who later stated the voidability of the suspension. The nasty violence that rocked the party on the 15th of February and continued threats by the unruly youths who had entered the meeting illegally constituted a real and tangible threat sufficient to deter peace loving members of council from effectively exercising their democratic rights knowing full well that they would need to leave Harvest House through the front door where youths aligned to Morgan Tsvangirai had been singing and chanting slogans. 
Further, it was virtually impossible to debate or put a point across as the raucous youths colluded with Mr. Lovemore Moyo in dressing down any member who stood up to draw the house's attention to the constitutional anomalies. In addition, from the start to the end of the meeting neither Lovemore Moyo nor Morgan Tsvangirai himself denounced the 15th of February violence nor showed any interest in reigning in the youths or bring to book those that had perpetrated violence against Mr. Mangoma, myself and others. 
It was against this breakground that the meeting proceeded on an unconstitutional and undemocratic overdrive, thereby giving credence to the nullity and voidability of its outcomes. Talking about the youths that I lead is important to mention that the legitimate youth leaders who were supposed to be in the meeting namely the provincial chairpersons and secretaries remained orderly even though some agreed while others disagreed with Mr. Mangoma's suspension. 
It is my contention that the MDC can only continue on this self-destruct path at its own peril. Members of the national executive and council are devastated by the manner in which the party leadership have and continue to take them for granted, coming to council with their preferred outcomes and seeking to impose them by hook or crook sometimes against the explicit disapproval of these esteemed bodies that are mandated to make and implement key decisions of the party in between congresses. It is important at this juncture for the party to sober up and refrain from acting on this basis of the emotions of the moment to make decisions with long term implications. 
A national executive retreat remains crucial to try address the problems bedeviling the party. The need for continued dialogue between Mr. Mangoma and the president on the reasoning behind the contents of the former's letter remains necessary and imperative. Mr. Nelson Chamisa, unpopular for dividing the party through mishandling the primaries and misleading the president into believing that God had told him that the party would win the election and form the next government must stop forthwith manipulating and hiding behind the president and face the music of his actions. The recent praise singing at a rally in Glen Norah was a deliberate ploy to give an impression of unquestioned loyalty to the president while deflecting his own dismal performance as the organizing secretary. 
The president must be wary of Mr. Chamisa's motives and machinations. He appears intent on hiding behind the president to redeem himself from being judged by the people on the role he played in the July 2013 election outcome including the manner in which he handled the primary elections and the imposition of dubious and unknown characters as party candidates. In addition, Mr. Chamisa seems comfortable to keep the party at abeyance, purge potential competitors and pave the way for his eventual take-over as president when he reaches the forty year threshold. Surely, how can one individual be allowed the hold the people's movement at ransom to satisfy his selfish, personal presidential ambitions. 
Once the above issues are addressed the party must then proceed to convene a legitimate national council as constituted at the 2011 congress. The national council must tackle all pending disciplinary cases. It should also deliberate on the question and nature of congress that is desirable in light of, and in the context of the 2018 elections. Every right minded member of the MDC agrees on the need to bring the congress closer so that the party has ample time to heal congress fractures, conduct primary elections on time and resolve disputes related to the same and make other relevant preparations. The council should also determine the nature of congress given the tight timeframes at hand. It is the considered view of the majority that the problems of the MDC are concentrated at the top rather than at the base. 
On the basis of this diagnosis an extraordinary congress is the most desirable one that subjects the national leadership to the democratic test namely members of the standing committee, youth and women management committees and members of the national executive. Such a congress will allow the stability that is obtaining in the lower structures to prevail while addressing the leadership divisions at the party's strategic apex. An extraordinary congress will also have ample time to address the questions of an honest internal dialogue and introspection, a review of the party's performance in the 2013 elections. 
Ideally, this review must put aside NIKUV as a variable in order to allow the party to look at other contributing factors to the electoral defeat other than merely pointing to NIKUV. Importantly, the extraordinary congress must come up with a strategy for the 2018 election, including an invitation for a grand coalition with other democratic formations, mechanisms for effective transfer of power, policy direction and a reflection on the nature and kind of a relationship which the MDC must have with the country's security apparatus as well as democratic reforms necessary for a free and fair election and the strategy for international engagement and the role that the international community must play in future elections in Zimbabwe. 
It is time the MDC quickly embarked on a steadfast process of evolution if it is to remain relevant to the emerging political dispensation. While subtle intimidation continued, Zanu-PF abandoned completely the use of open violence in the previous elections possibly as a realization that violence would only lead to their de-branding and de-legitimization. This shows that going forward Zanu-PF will devise even more sophisticated strategies to retain power. This will require the MDC to relook at the relevance of the approaches that the party has relied on since 2000 and to devise strategies that recognize that the economic rather than the political question will increasingly take center stage in the future political contestations. The party cannot continue to rely on Zanu-PF failures and human rights violations. The time has come to devise viable strategies to tackle the economic challenges and present ourselves as the only viable and formidable alternative. 
In conclusion, the MDC must promptly return to constitutionalism and allow internal democratic systems and procedures to function. The national council must be allowed to use its discretion to determine the issue of Mr. Elton Mangoma using and relying on the procedures prescribed in the constitution. The question of congress must be finalized promptly to allow earnest preparations to begin. The congress must leave the party more united and much stronger and ready to confront Zanu-PF. An economic narrative must be developed and adopted as the answer to the country's problems. Morgan Tsvangirai challenge as a leader is whether he is capable to rise above factional interests, see beyond Nelson Chamisa's ambitions and unite the party towards a truly democratic congress. It is the duty of every one of us in the MDC to stand by what is right for the sake of the people that we purport to represent and fight for. A principled leader would rather lose his or her political career than knowingly participate in wrong things that remove the party from its founding values and principles. Things must be done properly. 
While it is an undisputed fact that Morgan Tsvangirai commands compelling support among the generality of Zimbabweans, does that give him permission to flout the party's constitution and take the people for granted. Since the expulsion of Munyaradzi Gwisai, for how long will the people continue to support Tsvangirai without him bringing home the much needed result which is change and transformation to the lives of the people. The insistence on the constitution has nothing to do with Mangoma, to err is human, tomorrow when it's someone else on the wrong side of the law we expect the law to apply uniformly without fear or favor. As the whole executive agreed that there was nothing wrong with the contents of Mangoma's letters, it is important that the president continues to dialogue with Mr. Mangoma and reflect on the contents of the letter with a view to finding a solution. 
The fact that the contents of Mangoma's letter are well within the confines of our democracy means that Mangoma's crime is reduced to mere public nuisance thereby bringing the party into disrepute. Such an offence warrants a caution at best at worst some fine. As I was whisked away from the marauding youths similar to youth militias I asked myself for how long will I be whisked away from the headquarters of the movement democratic change for holding divergent views? I realized that it will be as long as I was whisked away from the university premises for fighting for academic freedom in my days as ZINASU President so it would take me and other who believe in the same ideals to bring the party back to democracy.