Tsvangirai concentrates on process, ignores content

"DON'T hate the player, hate the game," it is often said.

While others say, "Don't blame the messenger, blame the message."

Yet, the opposite is exactly what the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T), Morgan Tsvangirai, has done.  

He has hated the player and blamed the messenger while letting the game and the message escape from attention.

Following numerous calls from within the rank and file of his party for him to step down after the thunderous defeat to Zanu-PF in July 2013 harmonised elections, instead of facing up to the content of the calls, he has concentrated on the process and the messengers, while completely missing the opportunity to truly introspect.

"I don't subscribe to the notion that in asking for leadership renewal you are calling for hostile takeover or a coup as it were, through memos or letters. You go to a congress, you put yourself up as a candidate and the people have the right to choose. You can't then say, Tsvangirai get away, step down, because we feel you should step down. No. Two-and-half years into my mandate, you can't then demand and you say voluntary resignation," Tsvangirai was quoted in a local daily saying.

The Tsvangirai-must-go chorus started mid last year after treasurer general, Roy Bennett, who from his exile in South Africa called for leadership renewal within the party.  Ian Kay followed suit calling Tsvangirai a "rusty bolt", followed by Elias Mudzuri, who, throwing his hat in the ring for the leadership of the party, urged Tsvangirai to step down as he proffered a number of scenarios the party could take including one where the embattled leader could be an adviser to the party.

The straw that broke the camel's back was deputy treasurer-general Elton Mangoma's letter. While all other calls had been done on fora not directly addressed to the embattled leader, Mangoma grabbed the bull by the horns and called a spade a spade. He did not mince his words.

"It is my humble submission that, at this juncture, it is time you consider leaving the office of the president of the movement," he said in the contentious letter. In a wholesale manner, the letter touched on specific issues of concern about Tsvangirai's leadership.

While Tsvangirai remains bogged down with the process - of bringing Mangoma to book, suspending him, burying the hatchet or not - the real import of the content as contained in the letter penned by, Mangoma, stands unaddressed.

"1. How will you be able to undertake the reform agenda that we failed to do when we were in government and you had Executive power? 2. How will you answer the questions that we failed to care enough for our people and that we used our time in government for personal aggrandisement, personal wealth accumulation as symbolised by the current impasse on Highlands residence? 3. How will you put closure to the issue of women in your life and ensure that these will not continue to erode your and the party's brand? 4. How will we put closure to the question of misuse of funds, and ensure that our friends regain confidence that donations will be channelled to the people's project going forward? 5. How will we make sure that trust, team spirit and mutual confidence, currently eroded through the misconduct of the primary elections, violence visited on staff and myself, lack of constitutionalism and failure to follow procedure on appointment of officers to the national executive and key public offices including diplomatic posts is restored," poked the letter.

While the questions address various aspects, by and large the common thread in all of them speaks to the MDC-T frontman's leadership which failed to usher in real change for the people - as per promise and as per the election manifesto and indeed as per the party constitution.

Of note in the 15-year leadership of Tsvangirai, is the four-year stint in the inclusive government endowed by Executive powers. That, that was an opportunity of a lifetime, is no exaggeration.

When the MDC-T, after initial reluctance, finally agreed to be part of the unity government back in 2009, they told the people it was so that they could fight from within the system and usher in change from close quarters.

Supporters bought that argument hook, line and sinker only to be disappointed four years later when the party emerged more powerless than it was going into the arrangement. For the most part, many feel that the MDC-T missed the opportunity to make real impact and, as a result, failed the people.

Although the democratic movement is credited for stabilising the economy during a hyper-inflationary era, as well as for contributing to the drafting of the supreme law among a few other efforts, by and large the MDC-T's performance in the inclusive government was lacklustre in a number of critical areas.

"The MDC-T failed to deliver on a reformed electoral system more so respect for universal suffrage hence as many people did not vote," said Rashweat Mukundu, an analyst and advocate for democracy.

"As part of the Government of National Unity (GNU), the MDC-T failed to offer a new leadership approach but joined the gravy train with many millions spent on new vehicles, allowances and travel. In the end, there was no distinction between an MDC-T and a Zanu-PF Minister. Zanu-PF rode on this blurred distinction to blame the MDC-T for government failures. MDC-T run councils were mismanaged with corrupt councillors in Kadoma buying suits using council funds. The MDC parties failed to present an alternative leadership and mimicked Zanu-PF all the way."

What beats reasoning is why, when they had a Southern African Development Community guaranteed election roadmap, did the MDC-T back-down on reforms which were stipulated as prerequisites for the 2013 polls. Tsvangirai has since admitted it was a costly blunder.

"I think, on hindsight, one would have said that going into an election without a voters' roll was suicidal, without the necessary reforms was suicidal," Tsvangirai said.

"But the popular base and the momentum built during the campaign, I think overwhelmed us to the extent that I think people were so confident that whatever rigging would be overwhelmed by the numbers."

Another analyst, Earnest Mudzengi agrees the party underperformed. "They negotiated themselves into weakness," he said. However, Mudzengi says it may not entirely have been the party's fault.

"Provisions of the Global Political Agreement gave power to Zanu-PF. President Mugabe largely remained powerful and retained the Executive powers," Mudzengi said.

He also argues that although the MDC-T under-delivered, it could not all be blamed on the leader, Tsvangirai.

"The party, as a collective, did not deliver in some areas. But it is not necessarily Tsvangirai's fault alone," Mudzengi said.

Mangoma vehemently disagrees. "Tsvangirai has no capacity. He is not fit," said the now suspended deputy treasurer-general of the MDC-T. According to Mangoma, during the inclusive government Tsvangirai lacked the capacity to understand and appreciate what Executive powers meant; what ministries to secure for the party in order to counterbalance Zanu-PF; that permanent secretaries needed not be from Zanu-PF if the MDC-T were to make an impact in government.                     

"The appreciation just wasn't there even after we advised him. If we tried to be tough with Zanu-PF he would stop us," Mangoma said.

"Even in Cabinet (during the GNU), during the debates he would fall away from the discussions (sic). Yes, withdraw from discussions. There is the lack of understanding and there is also the issue of attention span. It is difficult to capture his attention for a long time."