Opinion / Columnist
Will Zanu-PF Congress pass the constitutional test on fair representation?
15 Sep 2014 at 03:33hrs | Views
The intriguing drama surrounding the run up to the Zanu-PF December 2014 Elective Congress presents an opportunity to see if the revolutionary party has the capacity to pass the constitutional test on fair regional representation at the same time perpetuating the legacy of national unity being entrenched by President Robert Mugabe.
Part 1 of Section 18 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe states that: "The State must promote the fair representation of all Zimbabwe's regions in all institutions and agencies of government at every level."
The Second part of the same sections goes to read: "The State and all institutions and agencies of the State and government at every level must take practical measures to ensure that all local communities have equitable access to resources to promote their development."
The afore mentioned two parts that constitutes Section 18 cannot be read in isolation to the other as they are interdependent. In other words the realisation of, "fair representation of all Zimbabwe's regions," is the only gateway towards ensuring that, "all local communities have equitable access to resources to promote their development."
Zanu-PF's passing of the constitutional test on fair regional representation will go a long way in promoting the unity of purpose born out of the Unity Accord of 1987 whose spirit we see in the leadership traits of President Mugabe. A trait that has even wowed the country's erstwhile colonisers.
Contributing at a one-day workshop in Harare hosted by lobby group, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, which ran under the title Transcending Politics, The state of the Economy and International Re-engagement, Aldo Dell'Ariccia European Union (EU) outgoing Head of Mission said President Mugabe is the "glue" that is holding Zimbabwe's "contradicting forces" together.
"There is no leadership crisis in Zimbabwe because you have a leader who has been able to hold together all these contradicting forces. We are talking about the reality of the situation which is there now, not about what will happen in the future," said the EU envoy.
This brings us to the current jostling for posts by the Zanu-PF leadership ahead of the party's December 2014 Elective Congress with specific reference to the 1987 Unity Accord. The media space is awash with various interpretations of the Unity Accord with specific reference to the National Chairman's Post.
Politburo members Cde Didymas Mutasa and Rugare Gumbo have reportedly stated in the media that there was nothing in the Unity Accord indicating the chairman's post was reserved for former PF Zapu members. The assertion has since been blasted by another Politburo member Dr SikhanyisoNdlovu.
He added: "Efforts to torpedo the Unity Accord were tried by the same people when (Joseph) Msika took over (Joshua) Nkomo's position as vice -president and when (John) Nkomo came on board as well as when we nominated Simon Khaya Moyo as national chairman. We corrected that with the support of the majority progressive revolutionary provincial co-ordination committees of all the provinces and all the people of Zimbabwe." Ndlovu
Dr Ndlovu goes on to write that the, "Unity meant mutual respect and making national resources available, government agencies, parastatals boards (being) equitably (shared) between former PF Zapu and former Zanu-PF. The Unity Accord document is like a marriage certificate. Does a marriage certificate put in writing everything that should be done by those married to make the marriage work?"
It is sad that this debate is fixated on the Zanu-PF Constitution without paying attention to the Constitution of Zimbabwe which is the supreme law of the land.
What we see in the Zanu-PF discourse pertaining the December 2014 Elective Congress is an impression that the Zanu-PF constitution supersedes the Constitution of Zimbabwe.
The Unity Accord of 1987 did not only bring together two political parties but primarily cemented the relations of the two political regions Mashonaland and Matabeleland. Prior the colonisation of Zimbabwe the two political regions stood as two separate Kingdoms. The amalgamation of the two political regions came into effect in 1923 under the British rule.
Whereas Zimbabwe's body politic has over the years been identified by these two distinct political regions – Mashonaland and Matabeleland - there are some in the revolutionary party who now want to define the political regions as being the ten administrative provinces. Some are reducing it to the climatic regions. But underlying these under currencies is selfish political ambitions devoid of any nationalist traits and primarily the provisions of the constitution.
The quest for political office by some power hungry elements in Zanu-PF is even sliding into a tribal warfare which if not well managed will lead to the establishment of fiefdoms in our one Zimbabwe. It is for this reason that the decision by the Binga Rural district council to ban the teaching of Ndebele in their "region" should be read.
It is for the same reason that all warring factions should pause and take time to listen to their conscience and the words of wisdom that comes from President Mugabe every time he speaks. Closing the Women's League Congress President Mugabe implored that it was never too late for party members to kick start the process of finding each other in the same manner the women's league reached a consensus.
In the same spirit the Zanu-PF leadership should reading Section of the Country's Constitution with a view of mapping ways through which it can find expression in the party constitution in a manner that cements the relations of the party's membership than push them asunder.
Source - Tawanda Museve
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