Zanu PF factional strife: An example of 'Killing in the name of God

Even as President Robert Mugabe made his most recent warning after his return from the United Nations General Assembly's 69th session that Zanu PF party members should desist from engaging in corrupt activities in the name of the party, factionalism had taken a new twist deserving an equal revolutionary address.

Adulterating more of the country's faculties. Inhibiting growth as all factions claim allegiance to national advancement, factionalism has introduced a system where more energy is diverted towards personality branding, where 'people praise and human worshipping matters most' in dictations to outmaneuver other contending factional cults.

We are too afraid to face the truth. Too frightened by the gravity of honesty and opt for dishonesty at the expense of million else Zimbabweans whom the justice of serving truth could help. That defines us. A people engineering commotion under phoney fidelity to His Excellence, the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Cde Robert Mugabe. Purporting to be serving him in earnest.

Even in a case where Mugabe has not adequately involved himself in factional issues within his party, the issue of succession has created facial quarters unbeknown. The entire issue is hidden under metaphors. Simply put, Mugabe weighs performance through feedbacks and all liberty of policy implementation is bestowed upon the same people on power scales. Therefore, in any sense, little inhibits leadership hopefuls from running what can be seen as a factionalism run government. All beyond Mugabe's knowledge.
Robert Mugabe has not yet nominated a candidate to succeed him should he prefer to relinquish power.

At least his decision for doing so is well informed and strategic. A time like this, filled with looming commotion and betrayal would be more belligerent and volatile. So far the era of factionalism has brought with it the burden of great unsettlement both in Zanu PF and Zimbabwe's otherwise main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

Looking at the latter's far end, the MDC-T got an offshoot of the MDC Renewal led by the once MDC-T secretary general Tendai Biti. I know the MDC-T in this time of factional strife is not of pure and vestal modesty. The openings Biti and Mangoma left will need to be covered, if only peacefully. But today I am far less interested in Tsvangirai's case. There is a much greater chore at home.

 Zanu pf, whose fabric allows for no such hasty disintegration, could be poised for more disaster provided the current power struggle rages on. Contrary to the known two main factional groupings, it is dangerously fallacious to overlook the possibility of more un-manifested juntos that could be somewhat regional and tribal. Juntos are factions. I am not suggesting anything.

I aver, the basic rule in communication in its most many forms, including writing, is to seek to diffuse the scent of knowledge. To acquaint the reader with a subject.

And in this offering, which marks identity of its own, I intend to highlight troubles that are likely to topple us. 'Us' for Zanu Pf is a party of my blood and gene. A serving nook.

I borrowed the title from a South African writer whose article was equally dressed in the same title. Only not mischievously relating matters to my party, Zanu PF, it was one warm in 'Killing in the name of God', full stop. Martin Young challenges the Isis terrorism, Israel and Hamas, Boko Haram, Westboro Baptist Church crisis among others, which to him appears a thought-as regal escapade executed under the same God, although authorized under varying religious sects.

But I thought wider. More wider.

In Zanu PF, the current diction to loyalty is misconstrued. What renders these factional wars harder to fathom is their molding nature. Their foundation seems to be more common, their strength more tallying. Besides that the liberation struggle synchronized everyone's power in a manner scholarly education does not. We have people holding the same political power obtained from the 'over 15 year war institution' against the white colonial regime of Smith.
We have them as self-presented contenders to the throne of the highest seat at presidium.

The media has too enjoyed its fair share. It has moved out to defy more grievous issues it disputed during the formulation of the new constitution of Zimbabwe without the old fear. It has seemingly surmounted AIPPA and advanced to be more clamorous and political. It has made factionalism more visible, more ravaging. Even the Herald now gets the reader's awe. Thanks to the new phenomenon of glare cabalism.
Imagining factional protagonists were not propelled into more fierce wars by the trumpet calls blown out from the media. Then the media should be equally commended for having brought the issue to President Robert Mugabe and the general populace. For unlike compared to the MDC's in-house or pre-congress wrangles, Zanu Pf's factional resonance gives direct ripple effects to the country's economic health. In a factional hit government, national resources are thence diverted to strengthen cults and the phenomenon is at its worst if cultism is led by those who sit in cabinet.

I might not know, but Robert Mugabe could be viewed to have treated surrogates to Olympian impunity. He has had the trust all leader is ought to have towards his team leaders. It is not imaginary hence that the grafts that took trail were partaken under a baptismal bath from the same pond. But I know Mugabe was veiled to bear witness of the goings-on through carefully architected and sanitized 'performance reports'. For example, Billy Rautenbach and Temba Mliswa's affair, whether integrating a candid business lining, evidently grew to levels that require good rowers to maintain the Zanu Pf houseboat straight.

Mliswa now has the United States of America's Eric Little in the alleged CIA epos. A case that was well marketed by the media's new factionalism-brought-about liberalism. He coerces Professor Jonathan Moyo into the same canoe. He becomes too personal and sells himself radical, yet too politically unsettled and diffident like many, looking at the impending congresses known for their poetic justice.

Changing face more, reminding every avid follower of the parliamentary circus (apparently a place of his political ceiling) where his co-worker, Priscilla Misihairambwi Mushonga has earned renown for 'being widely excited by sex talk', Temba introduces 'gay gangsterism'.

Bereft of ideas, politicians are thus tempted to fill that empty space where political differences and national dialogue used to lie with their own stories and personalities.

But the fact that such appearances become a non-yielding substitute for political solutions to some very pressing problems should be reducing us to tears - and not of laughter.

At snail's pace, accommodated by the phase of cult politics. Of factionalism. Of political insecurity. Zimbabwe should now be prepared to welcome a new wave of 'celebrity politics'. Celebrity politics was previously novel to Zimbabwe's political framework and will play intermediate successor to factionalism. Celebrity politics that is defines by languor, by non-commitment to serious national development matters. Politics that defines Barrack Obama who presents himself as the 'real man' on chat shows and panel shows, at best delivering light comedy. That is our handicap. I know the six comrades I discussed rough politics with will find good response in this offering on where we are marching towards.

Zisunko Ndlovu is a social development practitioner and political writer from Binga, Zimbabwe. Send comments and suggestions to: kubutonga@gmail.com