Opinion / Columnist
Understanding Zapu History - Part 3
24 Dec 2014 at 17:35hrs | Views
This is the final part of the series, however, we intend to continue engaging Dr Taurai Njekete on many different ZAPU historical issues, some will be published here and some will not, but will be published as a book form, which will narrate in detail the role played by ZAPU in the liberation struggle and after the liberation struggle. People are welcome to send any questions which they may need Dr Njekete to specifically respond to. We will publish the questions and answers as time goes on. We are humbled by the interest shown on the ZAPU history and we would like to thank everybody who engaged with us through all different fora and media.
Beginning of the Armed Struggle
ZAPU spearheaded the armed struggle for 18 years, and remained a leading political force advancing the Zimbabwe struggle for the right to self-determination and National Independence. It was one of the Big Six Authentic liberation Movements which included the ANC of South Africa, SWAPO of Namibia, FRELIMO of Mozambique, MPLA of Angola and PAIGC of Guinea Bissau. ZAPU started to prepare for the armed struggle immediately after its formation so as to implement the decision which was taken by its predecessor, the National Democratic Party (NDP). In 1961, it sent out the first groups for military training. In 1964, after all trained cadres from Cuba, Egypt, the Soviet Union, China and North Korea assembled in Zambia, they formed the first military wing of ZAPU under the Department of special affairs led by James Chikerema and J.Z. Moyo. Its command structure was comprised of: (in order of seniority)
1. Akim Ndlovu Commander
2. Robson Manyika Chief of Staff
3. Dumiso Dabengwa Head of Military Intelligence
4. Abraham Nkiwane Chief of Personnel and Training
5. Report Mpoko Chief of Logistics, and
6. Ambrose Mutinhiri
ZAPU launched its first deployment into the country in 1964. The first unit entered the country to carry-out in-depth reconnaissance, training and local sabotage operations.
ZAPU and ANC Alliance
In 1966, ZAPU and the ANC of South Africa formed an alliance that brought their two military wings ( Zpra and MK) to operate together whenever the MK deployments were to pass through Zimbabwe. Two outstanding such joint events were the Wankie operations in 1965 led by Charles Sotsha Ngwenya (John Dube) and Chris Hani and Sipolilo ones in 1966. Because of the scale of such military operations and the outstanding courage of the fighters, those operations had a profound effect on the people of Zimbabwe. They showed that it was possible to tackle the enemy on its ground with modern weapons, and inflict serious damage on it. They showed that the Rhodesian forces were not invincible as they claimed. A good number of MK guerrillas lost their lives on Zimbabwean soil from the formation of the ZAPU – ANC alliance in 1966 up to the time Zimbabwe gained its political independence.
Political Crisis and Escalation of the Armed Struggle
Between 1969 and 1971, ZAPU experienced political crisis which was caused by James Chikerema and George Nyandoro. After the departure of the two who later formed FROLIZI, the remaining four National Executive members of ZAPU (Jason Moyo, Edward Ndlovu, Jane Ngwenya and George Silundika) decided to restructure the party politically and militarily. They formed the Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Council (ZPRC) whose membership was composed of the four members of the National Executive, External Representatives of ZAPU and the ZPRA High Command. Initially, Jason Moyo was the Chairman of the ZPRC and the Commander-in- Chief on behalf of Joshua Nkomo who was at that time in detention in Zimbabwe and Dumiso Dabengwa became the Secretary of the ZPRC. In addition to the formation of the ZPRC, a new ZPRA High Command was put in place, which included Nikita Mangena, Charles Sotsha Ngwenya (John Dube), Report Mpoko, Gordon Sibanda (Tapson Munyanyi) and Cephas Cele. The restructuring of ZAPU politically and militarily enabled the organisation to escalate the armed struggle. During this crisis, Zpra lost the opportunity to utilise the Tete (Mozambique) front which it had assisted Frelimo to open. Instead, ZANU took advantage and reaped where it did not sow.
Release of ZAPU Leaders from Gonakudzingwa Detention
When ZAPU was in the initial stages of escalating the armed struggle, all ZAPU leaders including those of ZANU (PF) were released from detention. Their release was negotiated by the President of Zambia, Kenneth Kaunda and other Presidents of Frontline States (Botswana and Tanzania). The release of ZAPU and ZANU (PF) leaders was followed by three constitutional talks (Victoria Falls Bridge, Malta and Geneva) aimed at ending the armed struggle, but without success. After the release of ZAPU leaders, many young men and women came to Zambia to join the armed struggle. Following their release, Joshua Nkomo and other leaders left Zimbabwe, and came to Zambia to join those leaders who were already outside Zimbabwe. Joshua Nkomo immediately took his position as the Commander-in-Chief of ZPRA to direct the armed struggle. The years after 1977 saw an influx of Zimbabweans into Zambia.
Attempts to Unite ZAPU and ZANU (PF)
The attempts to unite ZAPU and ZANU (PF) began in 1972, with the formation of Joint Military Command (Council), which was led from the ZAPU side by Jason Moyo and others. The JMC did not succeed, but attempts to unite ZAPU and ZANU (PF) continued. Discussion between ZAPU and ZANU (PF) leaders, including those ZANU (PF) who were held in Zambian prisons following Herbert Chitepo's assassination led to the agreement to form The Zimbabwean People's Army (ZIPA) There was pressure to arrive at some agreement in order to offset the "third force" idea that was being contemplated by both Nyerere and Machel to liberate Zimbabwe. From the ZAPU side the discussions were attended by Jason Moyo, Dumiso Dabengwa, Nikita Mangena, Charlies Sotsha Ngwenya (John Dube) Jevan Maseko, and from the ZANU (PF), Simon Muzenda, Dzino Machingura, David Todhlana and Mudzingwa. ZIPA disintegrated before fulfilling expectations due to contradictions which arose between the Zpra and Zanla commanders.
Despite the collapse of ZIPA, ZAPU did not give up. It initiated the formation of Zimbabwe Patriotic Front as a common front at International forums, as well as to consolidate the unity of the people of Zimbabwe. Through the Patriotic Front ZAPU hoped to further the effort of uniting ZPRA and ZANLA into a single army. In addition, ZAPU did not regard the Patriotic Front only as an alliance of ZAPU and ZANU (PF), but as a framework for building a broad united front for all anti-colonial and democratic forces in Zimbabwe. In 1979, ZAPU and ZANU (PF) attended the Lancaster House Constitutional Conference as the Patriotic Front. Despite the failed attempts to unite ZAPU and ZANU (PF), the two organisations as separate entities continued to shoulder the armed struggle for liberation from Zambia and Mozambique.
The Turning Point- the defining moment
At this stage, the War Council revised its fighting strategy and noted that whilst guerrilla warfare had made some achievements at the fronts and created "no-go" areas (semi-liberated zones) the enemy was far from being defeated. Nkomo then suggested what he termed the "Turning Point" strategy as a way forward. Semi-liberated zones had to be fully liberated by well-trained regular Zpra battalions that would be deployed simultaneously under the command of two brigades: one to cross through Chirundu and the other at the Victoria Falls, while the guerrilla forces pushed further into the interior of the country. It would also entail administrators following behind them to take control of all services in both the liberated towns and rural councils. The British learnt of this plan during the 1979 Commonwealth Conference and Margaret Thatcher proposed to hold the Lancaster House Talks/Conference. A ceasefire was agreed to and elections quickly held in March 1980.
ZAPU's International Support
ZAPU did not only have majority support in Zimbabwe, but also internationally, including at the United Nations. The International support was in various forms. It included funds, food stuffs, clothing, medicines, scholarships for Zimbabwe students, provision of shelter for Zimbabwean refugees, and provision of diplomatic offices, as well as war materiel and military training. The former socialist countries, especially the former Soviet Union played a leading role in supporting the liberation struggle of Zimbabwe. It supplied ZAPU with medicines, foodstuffs, war materiel and military training. In addition, the former socialist countries provided ZAPU students with scholarships to study in their Universities and Technical colleges. Cuba, Algeria and Libya helped in the training of ZPRA soldiers. The Frontline states, especially Zambia, Botswana, Tanzania and Angola helped ZAPU. Zambia was the Headquarters of ZAPU and ZPRA. In addition, it provided many ZAPU refugees with shelter and land to cultivate some crops so that they could feed themselves, as well as build schools for their children. Botswana provided ZAPU refugees with shelter. Tanzania and Angola provided ZAPU with military training camps. Tanzania was the Headquarters of the O.A.U. Liberation Committee, as well as the entry point of material supplies for ZAPU. While the armed struggle was being escalated, ZAPU established its diplomatic relations with a number of countries and International organisations. By 1977 it had established its diplomatic offices in about 16 countries. Some of the countries included Algeria, Angola, Botswana, Cuba, Egypt, Ethiopia, Finland, former German Democratic Republic, Holland, Libya, Mozambique, Romania, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Uganda, United States, Canada and Zambia. In addition to these diplomatic offices, ZAPU was a member of the World Peace Council and the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organisation (AAPSO).
Lancaster House Constitutional Conference and Independence
Elections
The "Turning Point" strategy would have enabled ZPRA forces to begin to actually seize and defend the territory under their control. The Rhodesian regime, through intelligence information passed on to it by its allies, began to know what ZAPU was planning. The Rhodesian regime together with its allies worked out a strategy to pre-empt ZAPU's plans. It started to launch cross border air attacks into Zambia and Mozambiquewhich housed the Headquarters of the Patriotic Front (ZAPU and ZANU). In these two countries they bombarded economic infrastructure and refugee camps. This was intended to force the two neighbouring Frontline States leaders to persuade the Patriotic Front leaders to attend the Lancaster House Constitution Conference which the British government had hurriedly arranged towards the end of 1979. In order to stop the bloodshed and the bombing of the two Frontline States, the Patriotic Front attended the Lancaster House Constitutional Conference under protest.
Immediately after the success of the constitutional conference, ZANU (PF) abandoned the Patriotic Front and decided to campaign separately for the independence elections. ZAPU even delayed its registration for the independence elections until some minutes before the final deadline whilst waiting to agree with ZANU on the procedures to be followed. During the campaign for independence elections, ZAPU faced a serious problem in those parts of the country where ZANU (PF) maintained armed elements outside the Assembly Points, in violation of the Lancaster House Agreement. ZAPU supporters, campaign workers and parliamentary candidates were beaten and even killed in these areas. The independence elections were supervised by the British government and ZAPU registered its displeasure at the declaration of a "free and fair" election in light of the widespread violence and intimidation perpetrated by ZANU. ZAPU did not get majority votes to form the government.
Taurai Njekete Studied Doctor of Philosophy in Educational Management and is doing his Post-Doctoral Research at the Institute for Mathematics and Science Teaching University of Stellenbosch. Mr Njekete's main interest is to document and narrate the history of the liberation struggle with particular emphasis on ZAPU his beloved Party.
Released by ZAPU Europe Information, Publicity and Marketing Department.
zapuinformteam@gmail.com
Beginning of the Armed Struggle
ZAPU spearheaded the armed struggle for 18 years, and remained a leading political force advancing the Zimbabwe struggle for the right to self-determination and National Independence. It was one of the Big Six Authentic liberation Movements which included the ANC of South Africa, SWAPO of Namibia, FRELIMO of Mozambique, MPLA of Angola and PAIGC of Guinea Bissau. ZAPU started to prepare for the armed struggle immediately after its formation so as to implement the decision which was taken by its predecessor, the National Democratic Party (NDP). In 1961, it sent out the first groups for military training. In 1964, after all trained cadres from Cuba, Egypt, the Soviet Union, China and North Korea assembled in Zambia, they formed the first military wing of ZAPU under the Department of special affairs led by James Chikerema and J.Z. Moyo. Its command structure was comprised of: (in order of seniority)
1. Akim Ndlovu Commander
2. Robson Manyika Chief of Staff
3. Dumiso Dabengwa Head of Military Intelligence
4. Abraham Nkiwane Chief of Personnel and Training
5. Report Mpoko Chief of Logistics, and
6. Ambrose Mutinhiri
ZAPU launched its first deployment into the country in 1964. The first unit entered the country to carry-out in-depth reconnaissance, training and local sabotage operations.
ZAPU and ANC Alliance
In 1966, ZAPU and the ANC of South Africa formed an alliance that brought their two military wings ( Zpra and MK) to operate together whenever the MK deployments were to pass through Zimbabwe. Two outstanding such joint events were the Wankie operations in 1965 led by Charles Sotsha Ngwenya (John Dube) and Chris Hani and Sipolilo ones in 1966. Because of the scale of such military operations and the outstanding courage of the fighters, those operations had a profound effect on the people of Zimbabwe. They showed that it was possible to tackle the enemy on its ground with modern weapons, and inflict serious damage on it. They showed that the Rhodesian forces were not invincible as they claimed. A good number of MK guerrillas lost their lives on Zimbabwean soil from the formation of the ZAPU – ANC alliance in 1966 up to the time Zimbabwe gained its political independence.
Political Crisis and Escalation of the Armed Struggle
Between 1969 and 1971, ZAPU experienced political crisis which was caused by James Chikerema and George Nyandoro. After the departure of the two who later formed FROLIZI, the remaining four National Executive members of ZAPU (Jason Moyo, Edward Ndlovu, Jane Ngwenya and George Silundika) decided to restructure the party politically and militarily. They formed the Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Council (ZPRC) whose membership was composed of the four members of the National Executive, External Representatives of ZAPU and the ZPRA High Command. Initially, Jason Moyo was the Chairman of the ZPRC and the Commander-in- Chief on behalf of Joshua Nkomo who was at that time in detention in Zimbabwe and Dumiso Dabengwa became the Secretary of the ZPRC. In addition to the formation of the ZPRC, a new ZPRA High Command was put in place, which included Nikita Mangena, Charles Sotsha Ngwenya (John Dube), Report Mpoko, Gordon Sibanda (Tapson Munyanyi) and Cephas Cele. The restructuring of ZAPU politically and militarily enabled the organisation to escalate the armed struggle. During this crisis, Zpra lost the opportunity to utilise the Tete (Mozambique) front which it had assisted Frelimo to open. Instead, ZANU took advantage and reaped where it did not sow.
Release of ZAPU Leaders from Gonakudzingwa Detention
When ZAPU was in the initial stages of escalating the armed struggle, all ZAPU leaders including those of ZANU (PF) were released from detention. Their release was negotiated by the President of Zambia, Kenneth Kaunda and other Presidents of Frontline States (Botswana and Tanzania). The release of ZAPU and ZANU (PF) leaders was followed by three constitutional talks (Victoria Falls Bridge, Malta and Geneva) aimed at ending the armed struggle, but without success. After the release of ZAPU leaders, many young men and women came to Zambia to join the armed struggle. Following their release, Joshua Nkomo and other leaders left Zimbabwe, and came to Zambia to join those leaders who were already outside Zimbabwe. Joshua Nkomo immediately took his position as the Commander-in-Chief of ZPRA to direct the armed struggle. The years after 1977 saw an influx of Zimbabweans into Zambia.
Attempts to Unite ZAPU and ZANU (PF)
The attempts to unite ZAPU and ZANU (PF) began in 1972, with the formation of Joint Military Command (Council), which was led from the ZAPU side by Jason Moyo and others. The JMC did not succeed, but attempts to unite ZAPU and ZANU (PF) continued. Discussion between ZAPU and ZANU (PF) leaders, including those ZANU (PF) who were held in Zambian prisons following Herbert Chitepo's assassination led to the agreement to form The Zimbabwean People's Army (ZIPA) There was pressure to arrive at some agreement in order to offset the "third force" idea that was being contemplated by both Nyerere and Machel to liberate Zimbabwe. From the ZAPU side the discussions were attended by Jason Moyo, Dumiso Dabengwa, Nikita Mangena, Charlies Sotsha Ngwenya (John Dube) Jevan Maseko, and from the ZANU (PF), Simon Muzenda, Dzino Machingura, David Todhlana and Mudzingwa. ZIPA disintegrated before fulfilling expectations due to contradictions which arose between the Zpra and Zanla commanders.
Despite the collapse of ZIPA, ZAPU did not give up. It initiated the formation of Zimbabwe Patriotic Front as a common front at International forums, as well as to consolidate the unity of the people of Zimbabwe. Through the Patriotic Front ZAPU hoped to further the effort of uniting ZPRA and ZANLA into a single army. In addition, ZAPU did not regard the Patriotic Front only as an alliance of ZAPU and ZANU (PF), but as a framework for building a broad united front for all anti-colonial and democratic forces in Zimbabwe. In 1979, ZAPU and ZANU (PF) attended the Lancaster House Constitutional Conference as the Patriotic Front. Despite the failed attempts to unite ZAPU and ZANU (PF), the two organisations as separate entities continued to shoulder the armed struggle for liberation from Zambia and Mozambique.
The Turning Point- the defining moment
At this stage, the War Council revised its fighting strategy and noted that whilst guerrilla warfare had made some achievements at the fronts and created "no-go" areas (semi-liberated zones) the enemy was far from being defeated. Nkomo then suggested what he termed the "Turning Point" strategy as a way forward. Semi-liberated zones had to be fully liberated by well-trained regular Zpra battalions that would be deployed simultaneously under the command of two brigades: one to cross through Chirundu and the other at the Victoria Falls, while the guerrilla forces pushed further into the interior of the country. It would also entail administrators following behind them to take control of all services in both the liberated towns and rural councils. The British learnt of this plan during the 1979 Commonwealth Conference and Margaret Thatcher proposed to hold the Lancaster House Talks/Conference. A ceasefire was agreed to and elections quickly held in March 1980.
ZAPU's International Support
ZAPU did not only have majority support in Zimbabwe, but also internationally, including at the United Nations. The International support was in various forms. It included funds, food stuffs, clothing, medicines, scholarships for Zimbabwe students, provision of shelter for Zimbabwean refugees, and provision of diplomatic offices, as well as war materiel and military training. The former socialist countries, especially the former Soviet Union played a leading role in supporting the liberation struggle of Zimbabwe. It supplied ZAPU with medicines, foodstuffs, war materiel and military training. In addition, the former socialist countries provided ZAPU students with scholarships to study in their Universities and Technical colleges. Cuba, Algeria and Libya helped in the training of ZPRA soldiers. The Frontline states, especially Zambia, Botswana, Tanzania and Angola helped ZAPU. Zambia was the Headquarters of ZAPU and ZPRA. In addition, it provided many ZAPU refugees with shelter and land to cultivate some crops so that they could feed themselves, as well as build schools for their children. Botswana provided ZAPU refugees with shelter. Tanzania and Angola provided ZAPU with military training camps. Tanzania was the Headquarters of the O.A.U. Liberation Committee, as well as the entry point of material supplies for ZAPU. While the armed struggle was being escalated, ZAPU established its diplomatic relations with a number of countries and International organisations. By 1977 it had established its diplomatic offices in about 16 countries. Some of the countries included Algeria, Angola, Botswana, Cuba, Egypt, Ethiopia, Finland, former German Democratic Republic, Holland, Libya, Mozambique, Romania, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Uganda, United States, Canada and Zambia. In addition to these diplomatic offices, ZAPU was a member of the World Peace Council and the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organisation (AAPSO).
Lancaster House Constitutional Conference and Independence
Elections
The "Turning Point" strategy would have enabled ZPRA forces to begin to actually seize and defend the territory under their control. The Rhodesian regime, through intelligence information passed on to it by its allies, began to know what ZAPU was planning. The Rhodesian regime together with its allies worked out a strategy to pre-empt ZAPU's plans. It started to launch cross border air attacks into Zambia and Mozambiquewhich housed the Headquarters of the Patriotic Front (ZAPU and ZANU). In these two countries they bombarded economic infrastructure and refugee camps. This was intended to force the two neighbouring Frontline States leaders to persuade the Patriotic Front leaders to attend the Lancaster House Constitution Conference which the British government had hurriedly arranged towards the end of 1979. In order to stop the bloodshed and the bombing of the two Frontline States, the Patriotic Front attended the Lancaster House Constitutional Conference under protest.
Immediately after the success of the constitutional conference, ZANU (PF) abandoned the Patriotic Front and decided to campaign separately for the independence elections. ZAPU even delayed its registration for the independence elections until some minutes before the final deadline whilst waiting to agree with ZANU on the procedures to be followed. During the campaign for independence elections, ZAPU faced a serious problem in those parts of the country where ZANU (PF) maintained armed elements outside the Assembly Points, in violation of the Lancaster House Agreement. ZAPU supporters, campaign workers and parliamentary candidates were beaten and even killed in these areas. The independence elections were supervised by the British government and ZAPU registered its displeasure at the declaration of a "free and fair" election in light of the widespread violence and intimidation perpetrated by ZANU. ZAPU did not get majority votes to form the government.
Taurai Njekete Studied Doctor of Philosophy in Educational Management and is doing his Post-Doctoral Research at the Institute for Mathematics and Science Teaching University of Stellenbosch. Mr Njekete's main interest is to document and narrate the history of the liberation struggle with particular emphasis on ZAPU his beloved Party.
Released by ZAPU Europe Information, Publicity and Marketing Department.
zapuinformteam@gmail.com
Source - Taurai Njekete
All articles and letters published on Bulawayo24 have been independently written by members of Bulawayo24's community. The views of users published on Bulawayo24 are therefore their own and do not necessarily represent the views of Bulawayo24. Bulawayo24 editors also reserve the right to edit or delete any and all comments received.