Opinion / Columnist
SADC's compromised chairmanship failing the people of Mozambique
15 hrs ago | Views
The recent elections held on October 9 in Mozambique have proven to be a significant turning point in the country's history, but not for the reasons the Southern African Development Community (SADC) would have hoped.
At least 151 lives have been lost since the elections, as reported by Plataforma Decide, an election monitoring group.
These casualties are not just numbers - they are the direct result of a failure of leadership and the inability of regional bodies to foster peace and stability.
The elections, declared by Mozambique's National Election Commission (CNE) as a victory for the ruling party, FRELIMO, and its candidate Daniel Chapo, have been widely contested.
Chapo was announced to have won 70% of the vote, a figure that has been vehemently disputed by the opposition party Podemos, led by Venancio Mondlane.
According to the CNE, Mondlane secured only 20%, yet he claims, based on his party's tally, that he garnered 53% of the vote and his party won 138 seats in parliament compared to the official announcement of 31 seats.
The youth, who make up 56% of Mozambique's population and form the backbone of Mondlane's support base, have taken to the streets in protest against what they believe to be a fraudulent election.
These demonstrations, however, have been met with violence and brutality.
Two senior opposition leaders, Elvino Dias and Paulo Guambe, were murdered in Maputo on October 19, and no arrests have been made, further exacerbating tensions.
The Constitutional Council, Mozambique's top electoral court, has done little to quell the situation.
To directly receive articles from Tendai Ruben Mbofana, please join his WhatsApp Channel on: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaqprWCIyPtRnKpkHe08
While it revised Chapo's victory margin to 65% and adjusted Mondlane's share to 24%, the ruling fell far short of addressing the allegations of widespread fraud.
This has led to more protests, which escalated into violence, claiming an additional 21 lives in just two days.
In all this chaos and suffering, one cannot help but ask: where is SADC?
Why has the regional body, entrusted with ensuring peace and stability in southern Africa, remained disturbingly silent in the face of this growing crisis?
The answer lies partly in the actions—or lack thereof—of SADC's current chairman, Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa.
Rather than acting as a neutral arbiter or a voice for reconciliation, Mnangagwa has chosen to endorse the Constitutional Council's decision, even issuing a congratulatory message to Chapo.
His statement not only appeared to disregard the opposition's grievances but also hinted at a veiled threat to those challenging the results.
Mnangagwa's declaration of SADC's readiness to assist Chapo's government in consolidating power has been widely interpreted as an intention to use the regional body to legitimize an outcome perceived as illegitimate.
This approach is not only inflammatory but also irresponsible, particularly given the volatile situation on the ground.
Instead of bringing the disputing parties together, Mnangagwa's stance risks deepening divisions and escalating violence.
The question of whether the SADC chair even has the authority to deploy troops into a member state without following laid-down procedures is a critical one.
SADC operates on the principle of collective decision-making, and any military intervention must be approved by the Summit of Heads of State and Government.
Mnangagwa's actions, therefore, raise serious concerns about his understanding of and respect for the protocols governing the regional body.
When Mnangagwa convened an Extraordinary Summit on November 20, there was a glimmer of hope that SADC might finally take decisive action.
Yet, the final communiqué was nothing short of a disappointment.
Mozambique's crisis was reduced to a mere paragraph, with generic condolences and vague affirmations of commitment.
No concrete action plan, no timelines, and no mechanisms to resolve the crisis were announced.
This lack of a meaningful response underscores SADC's failure to fulfill its mandate of ensuring peace and security in the region.
But the issue goes deeper.
Zimbabwe, under Mnangagwa's leadership, cannot be expected to broker peace in Mozambique when it is part of the problem.
Reports indicate that approximately 296,519 Zimbabweans participated in Mozambique's elections, allegedly mobilized by ZANU-PF to bolster FRELIMO, a fellow former liberation movement.
As a matter of fact, a reputable Zimbabwe publication, The Masvingo Mirror, interviewed several Zimbabwean citizens who admitted voting in the Mozambican elections.
This blatant interference has delegitimized the electoral process and fueled tensions, further undermining SADC's credibility as a neutral arbiter.
As SADC chairman, Mnangagwa's role should be to foster peace and reconciliation, not to exacerbate conflict.
His failure to adopt a conciliatory approach and his apparent bias toward FRELIMO reflect a worrying trend of regional leaders prioritizing party loyalty over the well-being of the people they serve.
SADC has clear guidelines and principles governing democratic elections, which include respect for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
These principles are designed to prevent electoral disputes from escalating into full-blown crises.
Yet, the regional body has consistently failed to enforce these standards, allowing member states to flout them with impunity.
The Mozambique crisis is a stark reminder of the need for SADC to adopt a more proactive approach.
Waiting for disputes to spiral out of control before intervening is not only irresponsible but also counterproductive.
SADC must ensure that member states adhere to its guidelines and take swift action against those who violate them.
Mnangagwa's reluctance to play a constructive role in Mozambique raises questions about his motives.
Is he haunted by the prospect of former liberation movements losing power in the region, as has happened in Botswana and Zambia?
Does he fear that the erosion of these movements' influence will leave ZANU-PF vulnerable to scrutiny for its own electoral malpractices and human rights abuses?
The reality is that Mnangagwa needs these former liberation movements more than they need him.
Their support has been instrumental in shielding ZANU-PF from accountability.
Without this buffer, ZANU-PF's grip on power would be significantly weakened.
SADC's failure to address the Mozambique crisis is not just a betrayal of its mandate but also a disservice to the people of southern Africa.
President Mnangagwa appears to be forgetting one important thing.
In 2008, Zimbabwe itself was plunged into chaos following a disputed presidential election.
Then president Robert Mugabe (ZANU-PF) was defeated by opposition MDC's Morgan Tsvangirai, leading to Mugabe unleashing a brutal reign of terror across the country killing hundreds of opposition supporters.
In fact, Mugabe competed alone in the subsequent presidential election run-off and secured 85.5% of the vote, after Tsvangirai withdrew from the race in protest over the mass killings of his supporters.
Nonetheless, SADC did not attempt to force a one-sided outcome on the people of Zimbabwe but instead sought a compromise that reflected the will of the people.
It did not threaten "to assist Mugabe's government in consolidating power".
The regional body, rather, intervened to broker a Government of National Unity.
Why is Mnangagwa not adopting a similar approach in Mozambique?
Why is he intent on preserving the status quo, even at the cost of increased conflict and bloodshed?
The answer lies in the political calculations of a leader desperate to maintain the support of a dwindling club of former liberation movements.
But this shortsighted strategy comes at a high cost - not just for Mozambique but for the entire region.
Southern Africa is in real danger of descending into chaos due to this blatant interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states.
SADC must rise above party politics and prioritize the needs of the people it represents.
It must hold its leaders accountable and ensure that its principles are more than just words on paper.
The people of Mozambique deserve better.
They deserve a regional body that stands with them, not against them.
Mnangagwa, as SADC chairman, has a responsibility to lead by example.
He must move beyond partisan loyalties and act in the best interests of the region.
This means upholding SADC's principles, fostering dialogue and reconciliation, and taking decisive action to resolve conflicts.
Anything less is a betrayal of the trust placed in him and a failure of leadership that southern Africa can ill afford.
© Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. Please feel free to WhatsApp or Call: +263715667700 | +263782283975, or email: mbofana.tendairuben73@gmail.com, or visit website: https://mbofanatendairuben.news.blog/
At least 151 lives have been lost since the elections, as reported by Plataforma Decide, an election monitoring group.
These casualties are not just numbers - they are the direct result of a failure of leadership and the inability of regional bodies to foster peace and stability.
The elections, declared by Mozambique's National Election Commission (CNE) as a victory for the ruling party, FRELIMO, and its candidate Daniel Chapo, have been widely contested.
Chapo was announced to have won 70% of the vote, a figure that has been vehemently disputed by the opposition party Podemos, led by Venancio Mondlane.
According to the CNE, Mondlane secured only 20%, yet he claims, based on his party's tally, that he garnered 53% of the vote and his party won 138 seats in parliament compared to the official announcement of 31 seats.
The youth, who make up 56% of Mozambique's population and form the backbone of Mondlane's support base, have taken to the streets in protest against what they believe to be a fraudulent election.
These demonstrations, however, have been met with violence and brutality.
Two senior opposition leaders, Elvino Dias and Paulo Guambe, were murdered in Maputo on October 19, and no arrests have been made, further exacerbating tensions.
The Constitutional Council, Mozambique's top electoral court, has done little to quell the situation.
To directly receive articles from Tendai Ruben Mbofana, please join his WhatsApp Channel on: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaqprWCIyPtRnKpkHe08
While it revised Chapo's victory margin to 65% and adjusted Mondlane's share to 24%, the ruling fell far short of addressing the allegations of widespread fraud.
This has led to more protests, which escalated into violence, claiming an additional 21 lives in just two days.
In all this chaos and suffering, one cannot help but ask: where is SADC?
Why has the regional body, entrusted with ensuring peace and stability in southern Africa, remained disturbingly silent in the face of this growing crisis?
The answer lies partly in the actions—or lack thereof—of SADC's current chairman, Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa.
Rather than acting as a neutral arbiter or a voice for reconciliation, Mnangagwa has chosen to endorse the Constitutional Council's decision, even issuing a congratulatory message to Chapo.
His statement not only appeared to disregard the opposition's grievances but also hinted at a veiled threat to those challenging the results.
Mnangagwa's declaration of SADC's readiness to assist Chapo's government in consolidating power has been widely interpreted as an intention to use the regional body to legitimize an outcome perceived as illegitimate.
This approach is not only inflammatory but also irresponsible, particularly given the volatile situation on the ground.
Instead of bringing the disputing parties together, Mnangagwa's stance risks deepening divisions and escalating violence.
The question of whether the SADC chair even has the authority to deploy troops into a member state without following laid-down procedures is a critical one.
SADC operates on the principle of collective decision-making, and any military intervention must be approved by the Summit of Heads of State and Government.
Mnangagwa's actions, therefore, raise serious concerns about his understanding of and respect for the protocols governing the regional body.
When Mnangagwa convened an Extraordinary Summit on November 20, there was a glimmer of hope that SADC might finally take decisive action.
Yet, the final communiqué was nothing short of a disappointment.
Mozambique's crisis was reduced to a mere paragraph, with generic condolences and vague affirmations of commitment.
No concrete action plan, no timelines, and no mechanisms to resolve the crisis were announced.
This lack of a meaningful response underscores SADC's failure to fulfill its mandate of ensuring peace and security in the region.
But the issue goes deeper.
Zimbabwe, under Mnangagwa's leadership, cannot be expected to broker peace in Mozambique when it is part of the problem.
Reports indicate that approximately 296,519 Zimbabweans participated in Mozambique's elections, allegedly mobilized by ZANU-PF to bolster FRELIMO, a fellow former liberation movement.
As a matter of fact, a reputable Zimbabwe publication, The Masvingo Mirror, interviewed several Zimbabwean citizens who admitted voting in the Mozambican elections.
This blatant interference has delegitimized the electoral process and fueled tensions, further undermining SADC's credibility as a neutral arbiter.
As SADC chairman, Mnangagwa's role should be to foster peace and reconciliation, not to exacerbate conflict.
SADC has clear guidelines and principles governing democratic elections, which include respect for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
These principles are designed to prevent electoral disputes from escalating into full-blown crises.
Yet, the regional body has consistently failed to enforce these standards, allowing member states to flout them with impunity.
The Mozambique crisis is a stark reminder of the need for SADC to adopt a more proactive approach.
Waiting for disputes to spiral out of control before intervening is not only irresponsible but also counterproductive.
SADC must ensure that member states adhere to its guidelines and take swift action against those who violate them.
Mnangagwa's reluctance to play a constructive role in Mozambique raises questions about his motives.
Is he haunted by the prospect of former liberation movements losing power in the region, as has happened in Botswana and Zambia?
Does he fear that the erosion of these movements' influence will leave ZANU-PF vulnerable to scrutiny for its own electoral malpractices and human rights abuses?
The reality is that Mnangagwa needs these former liberation movements more than they need him.
Their support has been instrumental in shielding ZANU-PF from accountability.
Without this buffer, ZANU-PF's grip on power would be significantly weakened.
SADC's failure to address the Mozambique crisis is not just a betrayal of its mandate but also a disservice to the people of southern Africa.
President Mnangagwa appears to be forgetting one important thing.
In 2008, Zimbabwe itself was plunged into chaos following a disputed presidential election.
Then president Robert Mugabe (ZANU-PF) was defeated by opposition MDC's Morgan Tsvangirai, leading to Mugabe unleashing a brutal reign of terror across the country killing hundreds of opposition supporters.
In fact, Mugabe competed alone in the subsequent presidential election run-off and secured 85.5% of the vote, after Tsvangirai withdrew from the race in protest over the mass killings of his supporters.
Nonetheless, SADC did not attempt to force a one-sided outcome on the people of Zimbabwe but instead sought a compromise that reflected the will of the people.
It did not threaten "to assist Mugabe's government in consolidating power".
The regional body, rather, intervened to broker a Government of National Unity.
Why is Mnangagwa not adopting a similar approach in Mozambique?
Why is he intent on preserving the status quo, even at the cost of increased conflict and bloodshed?
The answer lies in the political calculations of a leader desperate to maintain the support of a dwindling club of former liberation movements.
But this shortsighted strategy comes at a high cost - not just for Mozambique but for the entire region.
Southern Africa is in real danger of descending into chaos due to this blatant interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states.
SADC must rise above party politics and prioritize the needs of the people it represents.
It must hold its leaders accountable and ensure that its principles are more than just words on paper.
The people of Mozambique deserve better.
They deserve a regional body that stands with them, not against them.
Mnangagwa, as SADC chairman, has a responsibility to lead by example.
He must move beyond partisan loyalties and act in the best interests of the region.
This means upholding SADC's principles, fostering dialogue and reconciliation, and taking decisive action to resolve conflicts.
Anything less is a betrayal of the trust placed in him and a failure of leadership that southern Africa can ill afford.
© Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. Please feel free to WhatsApp or Call: +263715667700 | +263782283975, or email: mbofana.tendairuben73@gmail.com, or visit website: https://mbofanatendairuben.news.blog/
Source - Tendai Ruben Mbofana
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