Opinion / Columnist
Whose Zanu-PF is it?
16 Mar 2015 at 09:49hrs | Views
Zanu-PF must impart a sense of ownership and participation by the people. The record shows President Mugabe affirming such engagement.
After all the tantrums from injured self-importance - cheered on by an excitable private media (or is it lunatic fringe?) - Didymus Mutasa and Rugare Gumbo have now executed their long-threatened legal action.
They are challenging Zanu-PF's 6th National People's Congress of December 2014, gunning for the heart of the "supreme organ of the party".
In doing so, they provoke the question: " Whose Zanu-PF is it?"
With so much institutional memory, the two men should know better where the answers to such a question lie. Much as they have embarked upon a legal route, it is a political question really, one informed by ideology, loyalty and vision beyond legalistic strictures.
Zanu-PF itself was founded in spite of what was then an unjust and subjugating law, yet still mobilised the people to victory.
If SaMutasa and VaGumbo indeed retain the loyalties of their "real Zanu-PF", why do they not put it to a simpler political test and see if the revolutionary people will follow upon their exit?
Zanu-PF's illustrious history will tell of rebels and attempted coups. And yet the party survives and thrives. It was at the 6th National People's Congress that President Mugabe applauded the people thus:
"The victory of the 2013 elections was truly people-driven, which is why no one in any echelon of top leadership should claim that victory. It was a people's victory. It belongs to you, which is why today you use that victory to clean up the party, to clean up leadership."
Caught up in their self-importance, some among Zanu-PF's veterans of the struggle for political independence have been blind to this reality.
As such, they find themselves alienated from the aspirations of a people seized with a new economic revolution against a legacy of capitalist imperialism haunting politically independent Zimbabwe.
With Zanu-PF having effectively dealt with the external threat on July 31, 2013 the people heeded President Mugabe's warning of a more sinister internal threat.
The President said: "We cannot countenance a situation where Zanu-PF risks being succeeded by something that we cannot define within its ideology, some other contraption that is not Zanu-PF, but calling itself by its name and claiming to be Zanu-PF."
The internal revolution via Zanu-PF's 6th Congress was a critical and necessary corrective development prompted by the urgency of defending and preserving the party's ideology and objectives from erstwhile comrades.
In Government, comrades had forsaken the identity of the party to pursue self-aggrandising and factional agendas.
Thus, Congress reminded Zanu-PF's rank and file that the party is "supreme over Government".
It has called upon its appointees to Government to be inducted on the ideology of Zanu-PF and to report and account for upholding and implementing such ideology and objectives.
Zanu-PF must now look to the future and engage more pertinent matters.
The party has been provided an opportunity to consolidate upon the decisive July 31, 2013 elections that amply mirrored the nation's confidence in the leadership of President Mugabe and in Zanu-PF's total independence ideology. Yet, Zanu-PF has not maximised on such popular expression.
As many as 2 110 434 cast their vote for the Presidency and leadership of Robert Gabriel Mugabe, while guaranteeing Zanu-PF 160 parliamentary seats.
Why then has the party's membership not reflected such overwhelming endorsement? It was factional party structures and corruption that alienated so many who voted for President Mugabe and Zanu-PF's ideology but were dismayed by the actions of reactionaries.
Indeed, while 2 110 434 will stand by President Mugabe and Zanu-PF's ideology, the party's records will show only 828 589 registered members as at the 6th National People's Congress.
No wonder Congress expressed concern that the Commissariat, as constituted prior to the revolutionary intervention, had "no direction in terms of the correct kind of ideology" upon which the party must grow its membership.
The new Commissar, Saviour Kasukuwere, certainly has his work cut out for him.
Congress directed the party "to implement a clear, focused, actionable and time-framed mass mobilisation strategy and political programme to win the hearts and minds of the people with a particular focus on the youth, students, young professional and Diasporans".
But first, Zanu-PF must desist from its dismissive mantra of "hatimuziwi" that has bred the self-importance and factional interests festering within its ranks.
As the party takes account of its structures and seeks to reorganise from cell level, Zanu-PF must effectively engage and communicate with a people already drawn to its ideology and objectives. Its revolutionary nature must adopt a charm offensive to translate the electoral votes of confidence into increased membership, with commitment and loyalty to the party.
It is to Zanu-PF's identity and objectives, unblemished by corruption and alienating self-importance, that "the hearts and minds of the people" shall be drawn. Zanu-PF must impart a sense of ownership and participation by the people.
The record shows President Mugabe affirming such engagement.
In Zanu's statement of "28–29 April 1978 (The Battle of Sinoia)", marking the 12th anniversary of the small Zanla force that battled Ian Smith's regime, President Mugabe declared:
"The roots of our party are in our people. These roots must spread deep, wide and solid in 1978. The party and the people, the people and the party must have same meaning. Organise the party in the name of the people and the people in the name of the party."
He went further to call upon the party to "Make 1978 therefore, the Year of the Party and the People so that we can also fully transform our struggle in both theory and practice into the People's Struggle".
Zanu underlined a hard lesson learnt from the sacrifice of its uncompromising comrades, a lesson for Zanu-PF today.
"The struggle against oppression by capitalist imperialism is a fight incapable of compromise. It is a fight to the finish. The war must be waged through to the end - until victory."
In that moment of commemoration and reflection in April 1978, President Mugabe was well aware that the war for total independence was far from over, and most importantly that the party's pursuit of victory must be rooted within the people.
Thirty-seven years on, the man's consistency calls upon the same commitment by the party.
President Mugabe has refused to be compromised by the capitalist imperialism interests whose legacy continues its economic monopoly and alienation despite our political independence.
At 91, Robert Gabriel Mugabe aptly describes his resolute stand for Zanu-PF's ideology and objectives during the liberation struggle and the current struggle for economic independence.
"My life has been advancing these causes. Even as we fought the war of liberation and the illegal sanctions imposed on our country by our detractors, we were and still are guided by the same revolutionary spirit."
That is the primary reason we identify with the man's sacrifice.
Didymus Mutasa now tells the world he regrets land reform, how Zanu-PF has "taken away people's land".
He reveals the lack of ideological conviction that had infected Zanu-PF, crippled its total independence agenda.
Mutasa reveals now where his heart has always been, lamenting for white farmers, for some of whom, we are told, he played a protective godfather.
The critical lesson here for an auditing and restructuring Zanu-PF is that even veterans and stalwarts may be weighed and found wanting.
So, too, shall the majority among the people dismissed as "mafikizolo" rise in defence of the party, pulled by the power of its ideology and objective of total independence. Zanu-PF must live on, long after total independence is won, and into a secured future.
For SaMutasa and VaGumbo, let them have their moment in court, aware that they stand upon a political playing field being defined by an awakened revolutionary people.
Hence, it is most welcome that waMutasa promised to stand in any by-election, but surely as an independent candidate.
His "real Zanu PF" awaits him; to be tested within the political realm.
Worse still for him, he shall face a so-called "mafikizolo".
It shall yet prove to be an epithet to political life ended, when the people tell whose Zanu-PF it is.
------------------
Rangu Nyamurundira is a lawyer and member of the Zimbabwe Youth Council Board. His views are his own and do not reflect or represent the views of institutions he is associated with
After all the tantrums from injured self-importance - cheered on by an excitable private media (or is it lunatic fringe?) - Didymus Mutasa and Rugare Gumbo have now executed their long-threatened legal action.
They are challenging Zanu-PF's 6th National People's Congress of December 2014, gunning for the heart of the "supreme organ of the party".
In doing so, they provoke the question: " Whose Zanu-PF is it?"
With so much institutional memory, the two men should know better where the answers to such a question lie. Much as they have embarked upon a legal route, it is a political question really, one informed by ideology, loyalty and vision beyond legalistic strictures.
Zanu-PF itself was founded in spite of what was then an unjust and subjugating law, yet still mobilised the people to victory.
If SaMutasa and VaGumbo indeed retain the loyalties of their "real Zanu-PF", why do they not put it to a simpler political test and see if the revolutionary people will follow upon their exit?
Zanu-PF's illustrious history will tell of rebels and attempted coups. And yet the party survives and thrives. It was at the 6th National People's Congress that President Mugabe applauded the people thus:
"The victory of the 2013 elections was truly people-driven, which is why no one in any echelon of top leadership should claim that victory. It was a people's victory. It belongs to you, which is why today you use that victory to clean up the party, to clean up leadership."
Caught up in their self-importance, some among Zanu-PF's veterans of the struggle for political independence have been blind to this reality.
As such, they find themselves alienated from the aspirations of a people seized with a new economic revolution against a legacy of capitalist imperialism haunting politically independent Zimbabwe.
With Zanu-PF having effectively dealt with the external threat on July 31, 2013 the people heeded President Mugabe's warning of a more sinister internal threat.
The President said: "We cannot countenance a situation where Zanu-PF risks being succeeded by something that we cannot define within its ideology, some other contraption that is not Zanu-PF, but calling itself by its name and claiming to be Zanu-PF."
The internal revolution via Zanu-PF's 6th Congress was a critical and necessary corrective development prompted by the urgency of defending and preserving the party's ideology and objectives from erstwhile comrades.
In Government, comrades had forsaken the identity of the party to pursue self-aggrandising and factional agendas.
Thus, Congress reminded Zanu-PF's rank and file that the party is "supreme over Government".
It has called upon its appointees to Government to be inducted on the ideology of Zanu-PF and to report and account for upholding and implementing such ideology and objectives.
Zanu-PF must now look to the future and engage more pertinent matters.
The party has been provided an opportunity to consolidate upon the decisive July 31, 2013 elections that amply mirrored the nation's confidence in the leadership of President Mugabe and in Zanu-PF's total independence ideology. Yet, Zanu-PF has not maximised on such popular expression.
As many as 2 110 434 cast their vote for the Presidency and leadership of Robert Gabriel Mugabe, while guaranteeing Zanu-PF 160 parliamentary seats.
Why then has the party's membership not reflected such overwhelming endorsement? It was factional party structures and corruption that alienated so many who voted for President Mugabe and Zanu-PF's ideology but were dismayed by the actions of reactionaries.
Indeed, while 2 110 434 will stand by President Mugabe and Zanu-PF's ideology, the party's records will show only 828 589 registered members as at the 6th National People's Congress.
No wonder Congress expressed concern that the Commissariat, as constituted prior to the revolutionary intervention, had "no direction in terms of the correct kind of ideology" upon which the party must grow its membership.
The new Commissar, Saviour Kasukuwere, certainly has his work cut out for him.
Congress directed the party "to implement a clear, focused, actionable and time-framed mass mobilisation strategy and political programme to win the hearts and minds of the people with a particular focus on the youth, students, young professional and Diasporans".
As the party takes account of its structures and seeks to reorganise from cell level, Zanu-PF must effectively engage and communicate with a people already drawn to its ideology and objectives. Its revolutionary nature must adopt a charm offensive to translate the electoral votes of confidence into increased membership, with commitment and loyalty to the party.
It is to Zanu-PF's identity and objectives, unblemished by corruption and alienating self-importance, that "the hearts and minds of the people" shall be drawn. Zanu-PF must impart a sense of ownership and participation by the people.
The record shows President Mugabe affirming such engagement.
In Zanu's statement of "28–29 April 1978 (The Battle of Sinoia)", marking the 12th anniversary of the small Zanla force that battled Ian Smith's regime, President Mugabe declared:
"The roots of our party are in our people. These roots must spread deep, wide and solid in 1978. The party and the people, the people and the party must have same meaning. Organise the party in the name of the people and the people in the name of the party."
He went further to call upon the party to "Make 1978 therefore, the Year of the Party and the People so that we can also fully transform our struggle in both theory and practice into the People's Struggle".
Zanu underlined a hard lesson learnt from the sacrifice of its uncompromising comrades, a lesson for Zanu-PF today.
"The struggle against oppression by capitalist imperialism is a fight incapable of compromise. It is a fight to the finish. The war must be waged through to the end - until victory."
In that moment of commemoration and reflection in April 1978, President Mugabe was well aware that the war for total independence was far from over, and most importantly that the party's pursuit of victory must be rooted within the people.
Thirty-seven years on, the man's consistency calls upon the same commitment by the party.
President Mugabe has refused to be compromised by the capitalist imperialism interests whose legacy continues its economic monopoly and alienation despite our political independence.
At 91, Robert Gabriel Mugabe aptly describes his resolute stand for Zanu-PF's ideology and objectives during the liberation struggle and the current struggle for economic independence.
"My life has been advancing these causes. Even as we fought the war of liberation and the illegal sanctions imposed on our country by our detractors, we were and still are guided by the same revolutionary spirit."
That is the primary reason we identify with the man's sacrifice.
Didymus Mutasa now tells the world he regrets land reform, how Zanu-PF has "taken away people's land".
He reveals the lack of ideological conviction that had infected Zanu-PF, crippled its total independence agenda.
Mutasa reveals now where his heart has always been, lamenting for white farmers, for some of whom, we are told, he played a protective godfather.
The critical lesson here for an auditing and restructuring Zanu-PF is that even veterans and stalwarts may be weighed and found wanting.
So, too, shall the majority among the people dismissed as "mafikizolo" rise in defence of the party, pulled by the power of its ideology and objective of total independence. Zanu-PF must live on, long after total independence is won, and into a secured future.
For SaMutasa and VaGumbo, let them have their moment in court, aware that they stand upon a political playing field being defined by an awakened revolutionary people.
Hence, it is most welcome that waMutasa promised to stand in any by-election, but surely as an independent candidate.
His "real Zanu PF" awaits him; to be tested within the political realm.
Worse still for him, he shall face a so-called "mafikizolo".
It shall yet prove to be an epithet to political life ended, when the people tell whose Zanu-PF it is.
------------------
Rangu Nyamurundira is a lawyer and member of the Zimbabwe Youth Council Board. His views are his own and do not reflect or represent the views of institutions he is associated with
Source - sundaymail
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