'The conspiracy still goes on'

I am grateful for this opportunity to explain certain things concerning the unity of the people of Zimbabwe. The background history is that there was a split (in Zapu) in 1963. Zanu was formed, and there were two political parties now - Zapu and Zanu.

The first unity effort between the two was made in Mbeya, Tanzania in 1972, with Herbert Chitepo and Jason Ziyaphapha Moyo co-chairing. This is very critical as it laid the foundation for the unity we talk about on December 22.

These were two political parties with their own constitutions and mandates.

Hence, to guard against both of them deviating from their policies, we agreed that if the chairman comes from Zanu or Zapu, then the commander of the joint army would come from the other party.

If a department commander/leader was from Zanu, for instance, the deputy would come from Zapu, and vice versa. This is how we balanced things.

When Chitepo became chairman, JZ Moyo became Deputy Chairman and secretary of the Joint Military Command. Nikita Mangena became the Army Commander, the Chief-of-Staff of both armies.

Josiah Tongogara assumed the post of Chief of Operations, while I became Chief of Logistics, John Mataure the Commissar, Godwin Munyane Military Intelligence (chief).

All leaders/commanders were deputised by members of the other party, and that formed the basic principles that we followed throughout. However, due to a number of factors, this first Unity Accord did not hold.

In 1973, I remember there was an ad hoc committee of the Organisation of African Unity that wanted unity between Zapu and Zanu to continue. Zapu had just come out of a crisis, and some people saw the party as a "sick organisation" and demanded certain that were beyond (us). In 1975, Zanu was in crisis after Chitepo's death. The leadership had been arrested, thrown into prison.

That was about the time Mozambique attained its independence.

The inflow of people from Zimbabwe into Mozambique was massive. But there was no structure to receive these people in Mozambique as the leaders were in prison.

Deliberate action had been taken by Muzorewa, Chikerema and the likes who were, in actual fact, trying to tap those people into their own organisation.

They didn't have an army, so they wanted to recruit them into their own army. That didn't work. After failing in that instance, they then pleaded with the OAU to ensure no supplies got to Zanu camps in Mozambique. They were using the issue of Chitepo's death.

That is what led to the formation of Zipa – the second military command after the Joint Military Command of 1972.

Zipa was formed along the same principles as the Joint Military Command: The commander comes from Zipra, the deputy from Zanla. The commander comes from Zanla, the deputy from Zipra. That was the arrangement. (Zapu's) Revolutionary Council had determined: "We cannot allow a situation like the one in Mozambique to happen where people are dying."

There was no food, medicine – nothing. Those are things that show the concerns of people to (unite), the embryos of unity in the minds of other people. We could have said, "No, that is Zanu in Mozambique; leave them." People could have said that.

As arguments were in the Revolutionary Council, some people were, in actual fact, taking back words that some Zanu people had said that, "Aah, leave Zapu as it is. It's a sick organisation".

But because of the commitment in unity of the people of Zimbabwe, the Revolutionary Council directed JZ – the chair – that there must be a discussion with the imprisoned Zanu leadership so that we form an army even if they were not there.

That was the directive from the Revolutionary Council. So, JZ, Lookout Masuku and I went to prison in Zambia, and talked to the Zanu leadership about the Revolutionary Council's decisions. All the Zanu leaders were there: Hamadziripi, Rugare Gumbo, Ndangana, Chigowe, Josiah, Kangai, Robson Manyika . . .

We went with this idea kuti, "Hey madoda, things are bad in Mozambique and there is an instruction by the OAU – emanating from reactionaries – that let the situation remain as it is until the people of Zanu in Mozambique choose a political party." The leadership agreed.

I remember very well Josiah (Tongogara) saying, "You better go and look for Rex. Don't look for anyone else." So, yes, we got Rex Nhongo.

He was the only contact person, and then we told the Mozambicans what we wanted to do. Then we all went to Mozambique.

I became Chief of Logistics; my deputy was a young fellow called Kaguri who later died in Nyadzonya. Nikita Mangena became Commissar, with Dzino Machingura deputising.

Rex Nhongo became Commander, deputised by Charles Ngwenya, with Ambrose Mutinhiri as Chief of Training and Parker Chipoyera as his deputy. This is how we ran Zipa.

I moved all the weapons for the front, the (OAU) weapons that came from Tanzania, as we now had an army in Mozambique ready to fight. We started war, and that is when the ban on food and other supplies was lifted.

Zipa collapsed for a number of reasons, though, because our mission was limited. Our mission was to rescue Zanu and we withdrew after achieving that.

I remained there, however, as a representative of Zapu. On October 30, 1976, we formed the Patriotic Front co-chaired by President Mugabe and Dr Joshua Nkomo. This was the third (unity effort).

As the Patriotic Front, all our meetings were co-chaired. It was always the two co-leaders of the Patriotic Front. If we had a meeting in Maputo chaired by President Mugabe, the next meeting in Dar es Salaam would be chaired by Vice-President Nkomo. We worked on the constitution together – everything.

We looked into the Army, local government, structures of government as a patriotic front, and approached the British together as the Patriotic Front, as a united people.

That basis started by Chitepo and JZ in Tanzania was the same in 1976. So, that is why today our party constitution tells you that this country was liberated by Zapu and Zanu; nobody else. What it means is that all our people from Zapu and Zanu, all the people of Zimbabwe liberated this country. Then because of international conspiracies, we had problems at Independence. People always say (the Unity Accord) was a compromise document. No, it wasn't. Follow what has been there – the Joint Military Command, Zipa and the Patriotic Front. In fact, the Patriotic Front's main target was to fuse the two parties. That's why we looked into the constitution, army, local government and all government structures together.

That was the ultimate objective of this unity; to bring the people of Zimbabwe together as they were before the split. Conspiracies, as I have always said – people can disagree with me, I don't mind.

I have my own researches, I am a military man; I know what was happening.

The conspiracy against us continues even up to today: That Government should not succeed, it must fail.

The conspiracies of '80 were very violent and that is when we had a situation in Matabeleland. That's a different subject altogether. But when the agreement was signed in 1987, it was the same thing we had agreed on in 1972, 1975 and the Patriotic Front. You see, we were fighting an armed struggle, supported by our friends – the former Soviet Union, Cuba, the Chinese and other progressive states. The British never contributed anything to our armed struggle except giving us British passports purely for intelligence purposes of monitoring our movements – that's all.

But in terms of fighting: nothing. They refused to bring the Rhodesians down with the military. They said we cannot fight our kith and kin in Rhodesia after UDI. But there was a case hanging on the Rhodesians after rebelling against the Crown.

The British did not implement anything to punish them. Therefore, the British maintained a hold on us, on the struggle here in Zimbabwe, or on Zapu and Zanu. They knew that we were going to be free one day, but did not want us to achieve the victory that Mozambique and other countries had achieved; victory in battle.

All the time, they wanted to make sure that when it came to a serious point, they would rush off to negotiate because they are good at negotiations.

When we were at the Lancaster House talks, just two weeks before the agreement was signed, the British sent Lord Soames here as Governor. And Lord Soames wanted his own structure. He did not bring his military people from Britain, but wanted a structure to maintain law and order.

What did he do?

The British were now back in power in Rhodesia, and we were expecting the criminals to be brought to book. But, instead, they were reinstated. Peter Walls and all the structures now belonged to the British Royal Army, Royal Airforce, Royal Infantry and so forth. But not as rebels, as it was said.

It is known that as we were at Lancaster, we had our units all over the country. The Rhodesians were still fighting us, even after the agreement had been signed.

It was now clear – that's important – that the issue of Rhodesia had ended, finished, and Zimbabwe was attaining its independence. And if Zimbabwe was attaining its Independence, what was going to happen to South Africa?

South Africa was the West's biggest concern. Their economy is there, the money there is theirs. What was going to happen to South Africa? They knew that the African National Congress' Umkhonto weSizwe was working with the Patriotic Front, with us in particular – Zapu. You could not distinguish between a Zipra cadre and an MK cadre. Our Chief of Logistics in the Joint Command – ANC and Zipra – was Masondo. They couldn't draw a line, so the only thing was to come up with a fictitious story that Zapu wants to overthrow the Government. And they deployed their forces. All along they had been trying to find an excuse. The force did not go to Mashonaland, no. They didn't go anywhere in Mashonaland. The Midlands!

The routes from Zambia to South Africa (which South African liberation movements used) were between the Midlands and Matabeleland, and that's the reason why there was this conspiracy.

In Mozambique, they knew they had done their job. Renamo was on the ground, blocking ANC. The South Africans were now in Mozambique, some parts, fighting with Renamo. That is the conspiracy, which, in actual fact, people want to refuse to accept. You can't ignore the fact that even up to now, the whites in South Africa are not sure whether they are going to be pushed into the sea or what. So, you can't take it lightly, thinking that things were normal.

They were not normal.

The British themselves gave power to some of the generals there. The intelligence were back in their offices and they used that to defend their interests in South Africa.

The majority of those people left Zimbabwe to join the South African services, especially the intelligence. So, you cannot say the Rhodesians were not concerned about South Africa. That's the conspiracy I've always talked about. Unity Accord

Some think it was unity under duress; we wanted a ceasefire. No. that's not it. The Unity Accord we are talking about is much more than the one of 1987 because it started in 1972.

The unity of the people of Zimbabwe is very important. Some have wrong perceptions. Unfortunately, we have fundamentalists in this country; some people who believe – like Smith who says "not in a thousand years" only to turn around and say "not in my lifetime" – that no woman, no Ndebele can rule this country, and these are crazy people who live on perceptions.

Maybe they don't understand the fabrics of human nature. You see, this country is composed of people from all over the world. We have people who came from Cameroon, Uganda, Sudan, Burundi, Rwanda, the DRC, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Mozambique, South Africa and Europe.

If you are a leader, not a fundamentalist, look at people who have, in actual fact, been created for you by whatever structures before you. Administer them properly, then that's when you become a leader.

Not to come and hammer what people have created, making yourself a super-tribe or whatever. It does not work that way! It doesn't work that way.

Look at all that has happened in the past. We have had people who came here, behaving in this way and so forth, ending up the other way round. You don't do things like that. That's why I call them fundamentalists because they don't understand what happens here. You are not a leader from the moment you start looking at a person from a tribal point of view – forget it. Sorry for you; you are not a leader.

Look at a person purely from a point of view of being a creation of God, a human being, and that's very important. But in this case, that's why we don't even have a strong opposition party. We have people who think of themselves, form parties because "I happen to come from Matabeleland so I will get support from Matabeleland".

"I happen to come from Buhera then I will get people from Mashonaland." That does not work. If you want to be a leader, first look at the constitution. It tells you clearly that Zapu and Zanu – those two organisations. And then alright, what about us, isu tisiko kuZapu neZanu?

Then you can form yourself into an opposition party; because already these two are one and iwewe woita opposition. Just like the British. If you go into British politics, you have the Conservatives and Labour. And the third one is this Liberal … which is insignificant. You have the same thing in the United States. You have the Republicans, the Democrats. If our own people (pseudo opposition parties) were really people who think properly, this is what they would aim at. But at the moment, they are not there in their own right. They are there because of sponsorship. That's where you see the seriousness of it all because people do not think of themselves as real people. You can only become a person when somebody sponsors you.

Then you are not a human being. But the situation has been created for you to come and join, and be a leader of your own people. Unfortunately, people don't see that unless somebody comes from somewhere and says, "I want to sponsor you". That's unfortunate.

Together Forever The conspiracy that I am talking about is still there; because a united people can achieve a lot. But you see, there must always be disunity in order not to achieve something. I will give an analogy of two companies.

If there is a company which is in the same field as yours is, the competition becomes so stiff. You will want to find solutions; something to make sure that that company does not succeed.

That competition is there; it's natural; it's there. The unity subsists because the people are there, and we still have some of these fundamentalists who want to destroy the unity and claim that no woman can lead the country, no Ndebele can lead the country. The moment you start looking at Mugabe from a tribal point of view, you are not a leader yourself, unless you are a fundamentalist. Look at the President as a person, as a national leader. Look at Emmerson (Vice-President Mnangagwa) not as a Mukaranga or anything, but as a national leader.

Look at any other person as a national leader, not according to their tribe. And that is going to hold. There are people who are going to be fighting to destroy this thing (unity).

There are people who are going to be fighting to maintain this thing, and these are the two forces which are there. We committed other people's children into this war, and they are dead. And those people who are genuine are going to fight and make sure that this unity continues.

It's a struggle; it has to be maintained. That's why – in some countries – a political party, after winning elections, has to fight and maintain its manifesto to satisfy people. And then after five years, you go back to the people, to accountability and then you make sure that you win. If you don't maintain, somebody else comes in, and this is what happens.

So, in our case, it doesn't mean there is no unity. There is, but there are other forces which are fighting. They will always be there. There will always be those who want to undermine you and so forth. This is what it means.

Life goes on.

Perceptions

When I came back from my diplomatic tour, I was given an assignment by the President to tour the country and I have finished. I started with Manicaland, went to Matabeleland North, Mashonaland Central and then Matabeleland South. The last one was Mashonaland East where I went kwaMutoko.

There is no development there. Nothing! Zero! If anybody thinks Mashonaland is more developed than Matabeleland, that person is making a big mistake.

Those are falsehoods. It is not true. It is all in our minds. We went to Manicaland, and there are quite a number of places that were destroyed during the war, which have not been repaired up to now. Yes, it could be said that Matabeleland has no (certain items) but it will be unfair to say it is less developed than Mutoko. I don't agree with anybody who says that.

It is not true. KwaMurambinda . . . Murambinda is downward. But please, the fundamentalists who believe that no woman can rule this country, no Ndebele can rule this country; these are just perceptions of people who don't even know how this world is run.

The unity we are talking about is not unity between Zanu and Zapu; it is for the people of Zimbabwe. These two political parties are recognised throughout our own constitution.

We need a third party, an opposition party which will be authentic, not by sponsorship, no, people who are going to work with us. "Apa, yes, let us look at the country together; but this policy 1, 2, 3 and so forth."

Agree on major things so that if anything happens, they talk over it. That's what we are looking for. We don't want to be scared that somebody comes in and takes everything back to the whites. That's what we don't want.

We want people whom we are going to work with so that if anything happens, we know they will continue. It must be an in-built or home-grown structure, not these which are sponsored.