Tapfumaneyi's rise and Mnangagwa's coup-proofing strategy

Lieutenant-General Asher Walter Tapfumaneyi's recent appointment as commander of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) initially raised eyebrows among senior officers, given his unconventional career path and lack of frontline combat command experience. However, the move has since been rationalised within political and military circles as part of President Emmerson Mnangagwa's broader coup-proofing strategy amid intensifying internal power struggles.

When Tapfumaneyi first retired from the military in 2004, he held the rank of Colonel, having risen through the medical services ancillary unit. In line with Zimbabwean military tradition - which is codified in law - he was promoted one rank to Brigadier-General upon retirement.

Under the State Service (Pensions) (Uniformed Forces) (Amendment) Regulations, 2020 (No. 17), commissioned officers are entitled to promotion to the next higher rank within six months of retirement, a practice commonly referred to as a "tombstone promotion." Such promotions are authorised by the President in his capacity as Commander-in-Chief of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF). Tapfumaneyi, like many officers before him, benefited from this provision.

Effectively, he retired at a rank widely considered the professional ceiling for officers from the medical corps in many modern militaries. Medical officers are typically categorised as staff rather than line (combat) officers, limiting their eligibility for top operational commands.

In the United States Army, the highest rank normally attained by a medical officer is Lieutenant-General, held by the Surgeon General, with no functional four-star combat command billets available within the medical track. Similarly, in the Indian Army, doctors can rise to Lieutenant-General but cannot become Chief of Army Staff. In the British Army, senior medical officers usually peak at Major-General or Lieutenant-General, while the rank of full General is reserved for officers with combat division and corps command experience.

Tapfumaneyi's career later extended beyond the medical services corps into the mainstream military establishment. He served in various staff roles, including within the office of then ZNA commander Lieutenant-General Constantino Chiwenga before 2004. Chiwenga, who led the ZNA from 1994 to 2004 and the ZDF from 2004 to 2017, hails from the same district of Hwedza in Mashonaland East, and the two were initially close.

Over time, Tapfumaneyi undertook additional military courses and professional training, enabling his transition into the broader command structure. However, despite this progression, he did not acquire frontline combat command experience - a factor traditionally viewed as essential for appointment to the highest operational roles in the army.

After retiring from the military in 2004, Tapfumaneyi joined the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) in 2005 and served until 2009, rising to the position of Assistant Director. His tenure coincided with the disputed March 2008 elections, in which former president Robert Mugabe lost the first round to opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The CIO was implicated during this period in several human rights abuses, including the abduction and torture of activist Jestina Mukoko.

Following his departure from the CIO in 2009, Tapfumaneyi served as Principal Director in the Ministry of Presidential Affairs and later as Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Welfare Services for War Veterans under Mugabe.

After Mnangagwa's rise to power through the 2017 military-assisted transition - which was orchestrated with decisive support from Chiwenga - Tapfumaneyi returned to the CIO in January 2020 as co-Deputy Director-General, alongside Gatsha Mazithulela, under Director-General Isaac Moyo.

By then, relations between Tapfumaneyi and Chiwenga had deteriorated, with Tapfumaneyi believing Chiwenga was obstructing his advancement. His return to the CIO was polarising, as he was widely regarded as sympathetic to the now-defunct G40 faction.

During his second stint at the CIO, Tapfumaneyi steadily entrenched himself within Mnangagwa's intelligence machinery. His influence grew significantly during the 2023 elections, when Mnangagwa deliberately sidelined Chiwenga and the army, fearing they could manipulate the process against him amid Zanu PF's internal succession battles.

Tapfumaneyi became a key pillar of Mnangagwa's re-election strategy, overseeing the shadowy Forever Associates Zimbabwe (FAZ), a CIO-controlled operation widely credited with securing Mnangagwa's disputed 2023 victory through localised campaigning, coercion, manipulation and alleged vote-rigging.

Following the elections, Tapfumaneyi's relationship with Chiwenga collapsed entirely, further inflamed by the deepening succession fight between the two men. Their power struggle has reportedly involved assassination attempts, poisonings, purges and the Bulawayo White City grenade attack.

As Chiwenga intensified his manoeuvres - with sections of war veterans led by Blessed Geza openly backing him - Tapfumaneyi emerged as Mnangagwa's trusted enforcer within the security establishment. Throughout 2025, Chiwenga made several unsuccessful attempts to destabilise Mnangagwa's grip on power.

Under mounting political pressure, Mnangagwa promoted Tapfumaneyi to Major-General in June 2025 as part of a broader survival strategy. This marked Tapfumaneyi's return to the ZDF from the CIO as a powerful political-military figure.

In November 2025, in a rapid sequence of events, Tapfumaneyi was promoted to Lieutenant-General and simultaneously appointed ZNA commander, replacing General Emmanuel Matatu, who had been elevated to ZDF commander following the retirement of General Phillip Valerio Sibanda.

The appointment was widely viewed as politically driven rather than professionally motivated. Senior officers privately questioned the move, noting that while Tapfumaneyi was intellectually formidable and an accomplished strategist, he lacked experience commanding key army formations such as brigades and had no combat background.

However, it soon became clear that his appointment was integral to Mnangagwa's coup-proofing strategy - aimed at neutralising Chiwenga's influence within the army and securing Mnangagwa's controversial push for a post-2028, and potentially unconstitutional, extension of his rule to 2030.

What ultimately worked in Tapfumaneyi's favour was not battlefield pedigree, but his staff training, intelligence background and unwavering political loyalty. His elevation formed part of a sweeping military reshuffle designed to fragment power centres within the armed forces.

As he did in 2019, when Chiwenga and allies sought to impose a state of emergency while Mnangagwa was abroad, the President again leaned on former ZIPRA commanders for protection. In 2019, Sibanda helped avert a coup; again in 2024, Sibanda intervened to prevent another attempted takeover ahead of the March 31 mass protests.

Former ZNA commander Lieutenant-General (Retired) Anselem Sanyatwe - a close Chiwenga ally - was removed just days before the planned demonstrations. This marked his second ouster, having previously been removed as Presidential Guard commander and dispatched to Tanzania as ambassador, before briefly returning as ZNA commander in October 2023.

With Matatu at the helm of the ZDF and Tapfumaneyi commanding the army, Mnangagwa appears to have secured a loyal security architecture - one designed less for conventional warfare than for regime survival.