Opinion / Columnist
Hyper hypocrite Mugabe rushes to Lungu inauguration
20 Sep 2016 at 13:45hrs | Views
RG Mugabe has just returned from Zambia where he had gone to to witness the swearing in of Edgar Lungu of the Patriotic Front. Currently, with a usurped mandate, he is at the United Nations, misrepresenting Zimbabweans. The Patriotic Front is just one of the numerous political parties in Zambia. Friedrich Chiluba of the Movement of Multiparty Democracy unseated Kenneth Kaunda in the first multiparty elections of 1991.
Zambia has had three president from three different political parties while RG Mugabe struggled hands, feet and teeth to remain in power. His long time friend, and perhaps suppression politics tutor, Kenneth Kaunda of the United National Independence Party was in power for 27 years after having led Zambian to independence in 1964. From 1964 onward, Kaunda's government developed clearly authoritarian characteristics. Becoming increasingly intolerant of opposition, Kaunda banned all parties except UNIP, following violence during the 1968 elections. However, in early 1972 he faced a new threat in the form of Simon Kapwepwe's decision to leave UNIP and found a rival party, the United Progressive Party, which Kaunda immediately attempted to suppress. With no more opposition to him, Kaunda allowed the creation of a personal cult.
From 1973 onward, Kaunda's leadership took on more autocratic characteristics. He personally appointed the Central Committee of UNIP, although the process was given a veneer of legitimacy by being "approved" by a National Congress of the party. In theory, Kaunda's nominations could be discarded by Congress, but in practice they were always accepted without modification. The argument used was that "the President knows the people who can work well with him, so if we modify the nominations we will end up with a less effective team". In turn, the Central Committee nominated a sole candidate for the post of president of the party. Of course, since the members of the Central Committee had been nominated by him, Kaunda was always the sole candidate. Constitutionally, whoever was in good standing with the party was at liberty to challenge him, but in practice no one did so because of his charisma and intolerance for dissent.
The president of UNIP was the only candidate for president of the republic. After the formalities of nominating him, the rest of the Zambian population was given the opportunity to express approval or disapproval of that candidate by voting either "Yes" or "No". Since the presidential "election" was always accompanied by parliamentary elections, there was great pressure placed on parliamentary candidates to "campaign" for the president's "Yes" vote, in addition to their own campaigns. Parastatals were also under pressure to "campaign" for Kaunda by buying advertising space in the two national newspapers, Times of Zambia and Zambia Daily Mail, exhorting the electorate to give the president a "massive 'Yes' vote". In Zimbabwe we have the Herald and The Sunday Mail doing the same as write and these are complemented by the highly effective ZBC TV and Radio stations.
Just as RG Mugabe controls parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe, parliamentary elections were also controlled by Kaunda: the names of candidates had to be submitted to UNIP's Central Committee, which then selected three people to stand for any particular constituency. The Central Committee could veto any candidate for any reason. Using these methods, Kaunda kept any potential rivals at bay by ensuring that they never got into political power.
This was the tactic he used when he saw off his party trusted members Nkumbula and Kapwepwe's challenges to his sole candidacy for the 1978 UNIP elections. On that occasion, the UNIP's constitution was "amended" overnight, just like how Zanu pf's was, to bring in rules that invalidated the two challengers' nominations: Kapwepwe was told he could not stand because only people who had been members for five years could be nominated to the presidency ; Nkumbula was outmanoeuvred by introducing a new rule that said each candidate needed the signatures of 200 delegates from each province to back his candidacy. Less creative tactics were used on a third candidate called Chiluwe; he was just beaten up by the UNIP Youth Wing to within an inch of his life. This meant that he was in no state to submit his nomination.
Such dirty politics was used by Kenneth Kaunda to stay in power for decades. However, just like economic woes are putting more pressure to Mugabe more than anything else, so eventually also, economic troubles and increasing international pressure to bring more democracy to Africa forced Kaunda to change the rules that kept him in power. People who had been afraid to criticise him were now emboldened to challenge his competence. His close friend Julius Nyerere had stepped down from the republican presidency of Tanzania in 1985 and was quietly encouraging Kaunda to follow suit. Pressure for a return to multiparty politics increased and Kaunda voluntarily yielded and called for multiparty elections in 1991, in which Chilubas MMD won.
This is the path Zambians tread to some democracy to which our authoritarian president rushed to witness during the swearing in of Edgar Lungu. Ceasar Zvayi tried to draw parallels between the losing Hakainde Hichilema of United Party for National Development, a liberal political party and Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement of Democracy, an opposition party in Zimbabwe, in their claims to incumbent presidents manipulation of election process. Zvayi accused African opposition parties of always trying to contest and challenge election results at the courts. What he did not mention however is that Patriotic Front win is now the third political party to govern Zambia after the Kaunda's autocratic rule.
In Zimbabwe we still have autocratic rule and this is evident mostly in Zanu Pf party itself where anyone who tries to challenge RG Mugabe is labelled unpatriotic and and is usually charged with attempting a coup. Recent purges of opponents from the party are a clear indication that RG Mugabe is is not tolerant of opposing view and that he is not yet ready to leave power. Like I alluded earlier, Kenneth Kaunda employed these tactics and so remained in power for more than two decades. It had to take an economic collapse and immense international pressure to bear on him before he could relent and allow for multiparty democracy, to which he immediately lost showing clearly that Kaunda was literally forcing himself on the Zambian people just as RG Mugabe is forcing himself on Zimbabweans. RG Mugabe therefore cannot deplore women rapists because essentially, he is categorically one of them. It is very sad that many African leaders choose to have countries perform at economic low productive levels at the expense of personal political gains like glory and getting worshipped. At low levels of production unemployment is high, there is rampant corruption and the general people, who are actually the largest portion of the electorate, suffer immensely. Mugabe's manipulation of the electoral process has disenfranchised many people.
The success of cooperatives largely depends on how easily renewable and accountable their leadership is. For Zimbabwe too, the shift to higher levels of economic production is being limited by unaccountable leaders, who choose carry out their own will over the will of the people. So it is necessary for the Zimbabwean to confront RG Mugabe head-on and set thing scheme of things right. If they do not, the economy will continue on the slippery slope, and though in the short run, a few close to him may benefit, but sooner than later, everyone, including RG Mugabe himself, will soon feel the effects of the economy strangulation. There is absolutely no need for Mugabe to continue against all the red lights, unemployment, service delivery shutdown, inability to pay government employees, protests and petition, to no any other end other than the worsening of these. Kaunda tried to continue and the economy failed so RG Mugabe need to learn from the former Zambian president's delusions and results thereof, of personal aggrandisement at the expense of the national well being. So it is highly hypocritical for RG Mugabe, who is in ill health and actually feigning to be thriving, to go and witness democracy which he actually abhors and thwarts ruthlessly in his own country. When he went to witness Buhari's inauguration in Nigeria, he was highly embarrassed and humiliated by the Adeola of Sahara's Reporters TV who asked him and failed to get answers from the dictator to the question that, since he had come to witness change taking place, when might change also come to Zimbabwe itself. RG Mugabe was dumbfounded.
So protests should and will continue, organised through various social media , which Mushohwe and Charamba has grown to hate with a passion, but has no control over such social media as they have on state media. Dr Chris Mushohwe has consented on national TV that 90% of the messages circulating on social media are filled with hate messages and rebukes of the now ruling Zanu pf government. Rather than downplay this and attribute it to some western influence, this is a clear signal to him and his bosses that people of Zimbabwe now deplore their rule and it should dawn on him that his government is now forcing itself on the people of Zimbabwe just as Kaunda's UNIP forced itself on the Zambians for very long and to no positive end. Economic collapse forced Kaunda out, and in Zimbabwe it will force RG Mugabe out too. Its sad that Dr Chris Mushohwe has decided to go against the majority of Zimbabweans for his own benefits and is ignoring the suffering of the people. He must act mature and realise that people are rioting because they are suffering and not because there is any outside influence from Western Governments.
----------------------
Zanda Shumba
zekishumba@gmail.com,
St Johns, Bag 113, Nyazura,
Zimbabwe
+263776630178
Zambia has had three president from three different political parties while RG Mugabe struggled hands, feet and teeth to remain in power. His long time friend, and perhaps suppression politics tutor, Kenneth Kaunda of the United National Independence Party was in power for 27 years after having led Zambian to independence in 1964. From 1964 onward, Kaunda's government developed clearly authoritarian characteristics. Becoming increasingly intolerant of opposition, Kaunda banned all parties except UNIP, following violence during the 1968 elections. However, in early 1972 he faced a new threat in the form of Simon Kapwepwe's decision to leave UNIP and found a rival party, the United Progressive Party, which Kaunda immediately attempted to suppress. With no more opposition to him, Kaunda allowed the creation of a personal cult.
From 1973 onward, Kaunda's leadership took on more autocratic characteristics. He personally appointed the Central Committee of UNIP, although the process was given a veneer of legitimacy by being "approved" by a National Congress of the party. In theory, Kaunda's nominations could be discarded by Congress, but in practice they were always accepted without modification. The argument used was that "the President knows the people who can work well with him, so if we modify the nominations we will end up with a less effective team". In turn, the Central Committee nominated a sole candidate for the post of president of the party. Of course, since the members of the Central Committee had been nominated by him, Kaunda was always the sole candidate. Constitutionally, whoever was in good standing with the party was at liberty to challenge him, but in practice no one did so because of his charisma and intolerance for dissent.
The president of UNIP was the only candidate for president of the republic. After the formalities of nominating him, the rest of the Zambian population was given the opportunity to express approval or disapproval of that candidate by voting either "Yes" or "No". Since the presidential "election" was always accompanied by parliamentary elections, there was great pressure placed on parliamentary candidates to "campaign" for the president's "Yes" vote, in addition to their own campaigns. Parastatals were also under pressure to "campaign" for Kaunda by buying advertising space in the two national newspapers, Times of Zambia and Zambia Daily Mail, exhorting the electorate to give the president a "massive 'Yes' vote". In Zimbabwe we have the Herald and The Sunday Mail doing the same as write and these are complemented by the highly effective ZBC TV and Radio stations.
Just as RG Mugabe controls parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe, parliamentary elections were also controlled by Kaunda: the names of candidates had to be submitted to UNIP's Central Committee, which then selected three people to stand for any particular constituency. The Central Committee could veto any candidate for any reason. Using these methods, Kaunda kept any potential rivals at bay by ensuring that they never got into political power.
This was the tactic he used when he saw off his party trusted members Nkumbula and Kapwepwe's challenges to his sole candidacy for the 1978 UNIP elections. On that occasion, the UNIP's constitution was "amended" overnight, just like how Zanu pf's was, to bring in rules that invalidated the two challengers' nominations: Kapwepwe was told he could not stand because only people who had been members for five years could be nominated to the presidency ; Nkumbula was outmanoeuvred by introducing a new rule that said each candidate needed the signatures of 200 delegates from each province to back his candidacy. Less creative tactics were used on a third candidate called Chiluwe; he was just beaten up by the UNIP Youth Wing to within an inch of his life. This meant that he was in no state to submit his nomination.
This is the path Zambians tread to some democracy to which our authoritarian president rushed to witness during the swearing in of Edgar Lungu. Ceasar Zvayi tried to draw parallels between the losing Hakainde Hichilema of United Party for National Development, a liberal political party and Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement of Democracy, an opposition party in Zimbabwe, in their claims to incumbent presidents manipulation of election process. Zvayi accused African opposition parties of always trying to contest and challenge election results at the courts. What he did not mention however is that Patriotic Front win is now the third political party to govern Zambia after the Kaunda's autocratic rule.
In Zimbabwe we still have autocratic rule and this is evident mostly in Zanu Pf party itself where anyone who tries to challenge RG Mugabe is labelled unpatriotic and and is usually charged with attempting a coup. Recent purges of opponents from the party are a clear indication that RG Mugabe is is not tolerant of opposing view and that he is not yet ready to leave power. Like I alluded earlier, Kenneth Kaunda employed these tactics and so remained in power for more than two decades. It had to take an economic collapse and immense international pressure to bear on him before he could relent and allow for multiparty democracy, to which he immediately lost showing clearly that Kaunda was literally forcing himself on the Zambian people just as RG Mugabe is forcing himself on Zimbabweans. RG Mugabe therefore cannot deplore women rapists because essentially, he is categorically one of them. It is very sad that many African leaders choose to have countries perform at economic low productive levels at the expense of personal political gains like glory and getting worshipped. At low levels of production unemployment is high, there is rampant corruption and the general people, who are actually the largest portion of the electorate, suffer immensely. Mugabe's manipulation of the electoral process has disenfranchised many people.
The success of cooperatives largely depends on how easily renewable and accountable their leadership is. For Zimbabwe too, the shift to higher levels of economic production is being limited by unaccountable leaders, who choose carry out their own will over the will of the people. So it is necessary for the Zimbabwean to confront RG Mugabe head-on and set thing scheme of things right. If they do not, the economy will continue on the slippery slope, and though in the short run, a few close to him may benefit, but sooner than later, everyone, including RG Mugabe himself, will soon feel the effects of the economy strangulation. There is absolutely no need for Mugabe to continue against all the red lights, unemployment, service delivery shutdown, inability to pay government employees, protests and petition, to no any other end other than the worsening of these. Kaunda tried to continue and the economy failed so RG Mugabe need to learn from the former Zambian president's delusions and results thereof, of personal aggrandisement at the expense of the national well being. So it is highly hypocritical for RG Mugabe, who is in ill health and actually feigning to be thriving, to go and witness democracy which he actually abhors and thwarts ruthlessly in his own country. When he went to witness Buhari's inauguration in Nigeria, he was highly embarrassed and humiliated by the Adeola of Sahara's Reporters TV who asked him and failed to get answers from the dictator to the question that, since he had come to witness change taking place, when might change also come to Zimbabwe itself. RG Mugabe was dumbfounded.
So protests should and will continue, organised through various social media , which Mushohwe and Charamba has grown to hate with a passion, but has no control over such social media as they have on state media. Dr Chris Mushohwe has consented on national TV that 90% of the messages circulating on social media are filled with hate messages and rebukes of the now ruling Zanu pf government. Rather than downplay this and attribute it to some western influence, this is a clear signal to him and his bosses that people of Zimbabwe now deplore their rule and it should dawn on him that his government is now forcing itself on the people of Zimbabwe just as Kaunda's UNIP forced itself on the Zambians for very long and to no positive end. Economic collapse forced Kaunda out, and in Zimbabwe it will force RG Mugabe out too. Its sad that Dr Chris Mushohwe has decided to go against the majority of Zimbabweans for his own benefits and is ignoring the suffering of the people. He must act mature and realise that people are rioting because they are suffering and not because there is any outside influence from Western Governments.
----------------------
Zanda Shumba
zekishumba@gmail.com,
St Johns, Bag 113, Nyazura,
Zimbabwe
+263776630178
Source - Zanda Shumba
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