If Smith was an oppressor, then what is Mnangagwa?

As I sit here, my work at a standstill due to the daily power outages we are experiencing in Zimbabwe, most times going for 15 hours or more a day, I can not help wondering.

What has this supposed 'independence' brought to the people of this country?

In what way have our lives actually improved as a result of this so-called 'independence', such that we can say we are now better off than under colonial oppression?

Besides, are the power plants we are relying on for electricity today, which have proven woefully inadequate, not a product of this 'colonial oppression'?

In fact, there were far more functional power stations during these 'oppression' than we have today as an 'independent people'.

We never knew any loadshedding during the colonial era and any power outages were announced well ahead of time so as to enable consumers to prepare for alternatives.

Why has 'independent Zimbabwe' failed to do even a mere fraction of what those who supposedly 'oppressed' us managed to do for us?

We can go further.

Right now, Zimbabwe is an international embarrassment due to a lack of up-to-standard soccer stadiums.

Our national team is even forced to endure the humiliation of fulfilling its 'home' fixtures in foreign lands.

Yet, our 'oppressors' were able to construct top-class stadiums in nearly every 'high density suburb' for our recreation, which hosted all manner of sporting events.

We can even look at accommodation.

Most of our towns and cities in Zimbabwe today were built during the colonial era, and the houses were meant for accommodating employees, including general hands and domestic workers.

In fact, quite a number of small towns, such as my hometown of Redcliff, Shurugwi, Zvishavane, Bindura, Kamativi, Mashava, Hwange, and numerous more were constructed by mining companies.

We grew up in decent houses, with relatively good schools, hospitals, shopping centres, and sporting facilities, amongst others.

However, today, under our 'liberators', these lie in disgraceful ruins, with most of the towns now a pale shadow of their former glory and on the verge of becoming ghost towns.

Is this the 'independence' for which thousands lost their lives?

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How can our 'liberators' fail in such a spectacular fashion?

So, who are the real oppressors?

If our colonizers could do so much for the people they ostensibly did not like and segregated against, yet our 'liberators' are making our lives hell on earth, then I am confused as to who is the real oppressor?

Can anyone seriously claim that living in decent houses, with electricity and water supply constantly available, whilst employment is readily available and salaries affording all one needs is a form of oppression?

If so, then what do we call how we are living in 'independent Zimbabwe' today?

What do we call failing to get decent accommodation, most of the citizenry unemployed and living in extreme poverty, with a lack of water and electricity?

If that 'independence' and 'liberty'?

For decades, Zimbabwe's leaders have anchored their legitimacy in the liberation struggle, the hard-won fight for freedom from colonial oppression.

These leaders, now at the helm, constantly remind Zimbabweans that they “fought for our freedom.”

Independence brought hope and dreams of progress, prosperity, and dignity for all Zimbabweans.

But in reality, the decline in infrastructure, the collapse of the economy, and the erosion of basic services have left millions struggling.

This article explores the paradoxes and contradictions that have come to define Zimbabwe's post-colonial era, contrasting the so-called “colonial oppressor” with the “liberators” in charge today.

Colonial Zimbabwe – The Foundations Laid by “The Oppressor”

Colonial Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, maintained a relatively strong economy during the 1970s despite international sanctions imposed due to its Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in 1965.

This period saw Rhodesia emerge as a significant economic player in southern Africa.

In terms of regional standing, Rhodesia ranked among the top three manufacturers in southern Africa, alongside South Africa and Mozambique.

The mining sector was a major contributor, with Rhodesia producing significant amounts of chrome, asbestos, and gold.

Agriculture was another key sector, with tobacco, cotton, and maize being major crops.

On the African continent, Rhodesia accounted for approximately 5% of total manufacturing output.

In mining, it was among the top five mineral-producing countries.

Specifically, Rhodesia produced 10% of the world's chrome, 5% of its asbestos, and 3% of its gold.

Agriculture saw Rhodesia rank among the top ten producers.

Globally, Rhodesia's mining sector made notable contributions.

In addition to chrome, asbestos, and gold, Rhodesia was also a significant producer of other minerals like copper, nickel, and iron ore.

Some key economic indicators for Rhodesia in the 1970s include a GDP of R$1.4 billion (approximately USD 2.5 billion) in 1975, with an average annual GDP growth rate of 3.5% from 1970 to 1979.

The inflation rate stood at 7.5% in 1975, while the unemployment rate was 5%.

Rhodesia also recorded a trade balance surplus of R$130 million in 1975.

As for the exchange rate, in 1970, R$1 was equivalent to USD 1.40, in 1975 the R$1 had strengthened to USD 1.20, and finally at the dawn of independence in 1979, R$1 had firmed to an impressive USD 0.90.

Yes, in spite of the UN-imposed economic sanctions and a raging armed liberation struggle, the economy and local currency were performing exceptionally well.

Understanding this economic context provides valuable insights into Zimbabwe's past and its potential for future growth.

During Ian Smith's rule, Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) was Southern Africa's industrial powerhouse.

Cities like Harare and Bulawayo were thriving industrial centers, drawing investment and creating jobs for thousands of workers, both skilled and unskilled.

Manufacturing was a core component of the economy, providing goods to local markets and exporting to regional partners.

ZiscoSteel, based in my hometown of Redcliff, was one of Africa's largest steel producers.

This single industrial giant fueled the economy, creating a demand for suppliers, housing, and local services.

But today, ZiscoSteel is a shell of its former self.

After decades of mismanagement and corruption, the once-mighty steelworks closed, leaving Redcliff an industrial graveyard and thousands of workers unemployed.

Rhodesia earned its nickname as “the breadbasket of Africa” by supplying maize, tobacco, and cotton to the region and beyond.

The colonial administration invested heavily in agricultural systems that increased productivity and allowed for food self-sufficiency and export.

Tobacco and maize production reached record levels in the 1970s.

But after independence, chaotic land reforms and poor agricultural policies left Zimbabwe dependent on food imports.

The decline of once-productive farmland has not only left us struggling with food insecurity but also devastated local and export economies that once thrived on agricultural output.

Rhodesia's mining sector was one of the most dynamic in the world, attracting both local and foreign investment.

Mining activities drove urbanization, with communities springing up around these hubs of economic activity.

Mining didn't just fill government coffers; it supported infrastructure development and economic growth.

Hwange, a town that grew around coal mining, was once a model of a thriving resource town.

However, today, this mining center suffers from neglect, with electricity and water shortages disrupting daily life.

The same story repeats across mining towns, where infrastructure has been left to decay, and communities are plagued by poverty.

The colonial government invested in roads, hospitals, schools, and utilities.

This infrastructure still serves as the backbone of modern Zimbabwe, decades later.

Major hospitals, key roads, and essential utilities like power stations were built with colonial-era funding, designed to endure and support a growing population.

Parirenyatwa Hospital, Mpilo Hospital, and the Harare-Bulawayo highway are remnants of the colonial era, initially intended to serve all citizens, albeit within the limitations of a racially segregated system.

Today, they stand as symbols of neglected potential, worn and barely functional.

While these facilities deteriorate, the government has made few significant investments in healthcare, roads, or other critical infrastructure.

Independent Zimbabwe – The Decline of a Nation's Infrastructure and Economy

Post-independence policies have seen Zimbabwe's industrial sector decline sharply.

Bulawayo, once the industrial heartland, has been ravaged by factory closures, job losses, and an exodus of skilled labor.

Economic mismanagement and corruption have turned Zimbabwe from a self-sufficient nation into one heavily reliant on imports.

ZiscoSteel's closure caused a ripple effect, devastating local economies and leaving thousands of families without income.

Similarly, CSC (Cold Storage Company), once the leading meat processing company in Southern Africa, collapsed, leaving hundreds jobless and contributing to food insecurity.

Zimbabwe's chaotic land reform program upended a productive agricultural system without ensuring continuity of output.

While land redistribution was a critical step toward correcting historical injustices, its implementation was marred by mismanagement, corruption, and lack of support for new farmers.

The results have been catastrophic.

Once a leading producer of maize and tobacco, Zimbabwe now grapples with food shortages and struggles to meet basic nutritional needs for its population.

The agricultural collapse has not only affected local markets but also severed our role as a regional food supplier.

Despite rich mineral reserves, Zimbabwe's mining sector has been hindered by corruption, poor regulation, and neglect of local communities.

The wealth generated rarely benefits the average Zimbabwean, flowing instead into the hands of politically connected elites.

In places like Hwange, communities near mining sites face extreme poverty, frequent power cuts, and environmental degradation.

Despite vast natural resources, the failure to reinvest in these areas has left communities without basic services and economic opportunities.

The infrastructure that Zimbabwe inherited at independence has not only aged but has been severely neglected.

Essential services like healthcare, transportation, and energy infrastructure are in a state of crisis.

Hospitals like Parirenyatwa and Mpilo are chronically underfunded, with equipment shortages so severe that patients often bring their own medical supplies.

Roads that were once carefully maintained are now riddled with potholes, turning travel into a dangerous ordeal.

Power outages of 15 hours or more are now commonplace in Zimbabwe.

The colonial government established major power plants at Kariba, Hwange, and Munyati, which, despite the limitations of the time, met the needs of the country.

The failure to expand or properly maintain this infrastructure has left Zimbabwe in a near-permanent state of energy crisis.

While Zimbabwe once exported electricity to neighboring countries, today we import power to make up for deficits caused by mismanagement and lack of investment.

Daily power cuts have stifled industries, disrupted education, and become a significant quality-of-life issue for ordinary Zimbabweans.

Rising Poverty and Unemployment

Decades of economic decline have led to soaring poverty rates, leaving about half of Zimbabwe's population below the poverty line. Unemployment is particularly high among young people, forcing many to seek opportunities abroad.

Misguided policies, a lack of investment in education and jobs, and corruption have robbed an entire generation of opportunity.

Youth unemployment rates are estimated to be over 80%, with many Zimbabweans risking their lives to cross borders in search of work.

Zimbabwe's skilled workforce is leaving the country, with even university graduates struggling to find employment in their fields.

Conclusion: Who is the Real Oppressor?

As we review the stark decline in Zimbabwe's infrastructure, economy, and quality of life, we are forced to confront an uncomfortable reality.

Zimbabweans are now worse off than they were under colonial rule.

The very infrastructure and industries established by the “oppressor” have been left to deteriorate, while the freedoms we were promised remain elusive.

The current government has failed not only to improve upon the colonial foundation but has actively allowed it to crumble.

Zimbabweans, promised prosperity and dignity, now struggle daily with poverty, insecurity, and disenfranchisement.

So if Ian Smith's government was an oppressor, what do we call Emmerson Mnangagwa's administration?

In this “independent” Zimbabwe, the line between “oppressor” and “liberator” has blurred.

And for millions of Zimbabweans, the dream of independence has given way to the harsh reality of a life mired in hardship, wondering what happened to the promises made by those who once claimed to be their liberators.

© Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. Please feel free to WhatsApp or Call: +263715667700 | +263782283975, or email: mbofana.tendairuben73@gmail.com, or visit website: https://mbofanatendairuben.news.blog/