Opinion / Columnist
Strangely, Shonas Have Pardoned Chiwenga's Gukurahundi Atrocities
14 hrs ago | Views

Binary positions often emerge in blame-shifting narratives. In most media outlets, Chiwenga has been nearly sanctified. Listening to Shona media, one hears reverence for Chiwenga - while Mnangagwa is cast as the villain. He's described as a foreigner, born in Rhodesia and deported to Zambia, his supposed homeland. I refute this claim, though I have no evidence that Mnangagwa is Zambian. His long history of orchestrated killings on behalf of Mugabe began before independence.
ZANU was rife with killings and counter-killings during the liberation war. That Mnangagwa is a known killer does not make him Zambian. Justifying his crimes by questioning his citizenship implies that murder is a Zambian trait - an absurd and dangerous claim. The list of politicians labeled "Zambian" is long, and many are branded as murderers. Even Chamisa is said not to be Zimbabwean. This is how sick defamation becomes. Next, they'll say Fadzayi Mahere isn't Zimbabwean. Then Jessie Majome. Then Sekai Holland.
Why is the murder of Advocate Herbert Chitepo now pinned on Mnangagwa, and not Josiah Tongogara? History has sanitized Tongogara into a lesser evil - a near angel, a hero of liberation. Mnangagwa, meanwhile, is burdened with every atrocity, including the Gukurahundi genocide. But historical narratives must be accurate. When it comes to the deaths of ZANU commanders before independence, many names are forgotten. Who remembers Dr. Edgar Madekurozva, a lecturer at a Zambian university? The methods of eliminating adversaries haven't changed.
I beg to differ: Mnangagwa did not murder Chitepo. While in Zambia, I heard from a credible source that Tongogara's murder was ordered by Dare reChimurenga - the presidium that unanimously sentenced Chitepo to death. It was an internal tribal conflict among Shona factions: Karangas, Manyikas, and Zezurus. The Zezurus demanded the presidency, which ultimately landed in Mugabe's lap. He exploited it fully. By the end of his rule, Mugabe viewed Shona people as expendable - he devoured them too. No tribe in Zimbabwe escaped Mugabe's wrath; only the scale differed.
It's equally true that Mnangagwa was Mugabe's enforcer, eliminating perceived threats to his presidency - especially in Mashonaland. Dr. Christopher Ishewokunze died in a suspicious car accident. Dr. Zvobgo died mysteriously. Several army officials were murdered. Then came Solomon Mujuru. Mnangagwa was the one Mugabe trusted to carry out these eliminations.
General Chiwenga reported directly to Mnangagwa, who was Minister of Security. The Fifth Brigade maimed, killed, bayoneted pregnant women, and abducted young girls to use as sex slaves. Catholic CCJP documents detail the destruction of livelihoods in Matabeleland and Midlands during the 1983 genocide. How does Miniyothando, a Ndebele woman, live daily beside a man responsible for such atrocities? He is her next skin. Just saying.
My concern is the sanitization of Chiwenga into a near-angel, like Tongogara. This impedes reconciliation between rival tribes. There's a deep insensitivity among Shonas regarding reconciliation with Ndebele people. It's difficult to separate Chiwenga from the genocide - he was one of its architects.
Language itself perpetuates tribal animosity. These binary tribal narratives are nurtured for political mileage. A "good Ndebele" is one who marries General Chiwenga; the rest are dissidents. Miniyothando Chiwenga has been elevated because of her marriage to the man who maimed and murdered Ndebele women in Matabeleland South. The irony is staggering. Women often nurture genocidists - Eva Braun stood by Adolf Hitler to the bitter end. They even committed suicide together, history tells us.
Inherently, many Shonas wish Ndebele people would relocate back to South Africa. It's an unspoken wish, but the message hangs in the air. Without formidable leadership in Matabeleland, this is a tragedy. ZAPU is weak. Ndebele people need a strong leader to voice daily injustices without fear.
Social media and Shona commentators claim Chiwenga's leadership is better than Mnangagwa's. He's elevated as a saviour of Zimbabwe. But there's no evidence that Chiwenga is better. The two are one coin with two sides - cut from the same cloth. Yet opposition members who suffered human rights abuses in 2008 now claim Chiwenga is the "better evil."
How long will Ndebele people be used in ZANU PF's internal battles? Earlier this year, the Geza "revolution" invited ZPRA veterans to help unseat Mnangagwa. Some were even shown in a video broadcast, lending credibility to a revolution that never was. On the day of the uprising, Geza vanished - fleeing to Polokwane and leaving his allies vulnerable to ZANU PF retaliation.
Meanwhile, Sengezo Tshabangu is self-destructing. He's not politicking - he's committing political suicide.
There is nothing in Chiwenga's record that qualifies him to be Zimbabwe's third president. He failed multiple military exams after independence. His doctorate was ghostwritten. Naming the author would cost her every property she owns in Zimbabwe. Chiwenga's inability to read Mnangagwa's intentions during the coup transition shows poor intuition. Having worked with Mnangagwa for so long, he should never have trusted him. Even Mugabe advised him to take power himself and not hand it to Mnangagwa. This is what happens when our heads are thick.
It's clear Chiwenga is struggling to enforce his agreement with Mnangagwa. But the truth is: he will never be president. If he fails, it's good for Zimbabwe. We need someone better. Eventually, people will say "enough." The critical mass hasn't been reached yet. There is no viable opposition leadership on the ground. Any revolutionary movement needs honest, capable leadership. Chamisa is not that leader. He has survived this long in politics thanks to tribal affiliations. Good CCC leaders are suppressed by Nero - he won't allow them to rise.
The question is: how do we revive the Matabeleland spirit that has sunk so low? Devolution is the answer. Political leaders from Matabeleland must use their mandates to demand devolution. Without it, Mnangagwa will continue teasing the region with the incomplete Matabeleland Water Project - over a century overdue.
This region must begin thinking about development not from the central government, but at the regional level. We cannot wait indefinitely for ZANU PF to improve Matabeleland. Even Chamisa won't. He wants Ndebele votes to reach State House - but nothing beyond that.
ZANU was rife with killings and counter-killings during the liberation war. That Mnangagwa is a known killer does not make him Zambian. Justifying his crimes by questioning his citizenship implies that murder is a Zambian trait - an absurd and dangerous claim. The list of politicians labeled "Zambian" is long, and many are branded as murderers. Even Chamisa is said not to be Zimbabwean. This is how sick defamation becomes. Next, they'll say Fadzayi Mahere isn't Zimbabwean. Then Jessie Majome. Then Sekai Holland.
Why is the murder of Advocate Herbert Chitepo now pinned on Mnangagwa, and not Josiah Tongogara? History has sanitized Tongogara into a lesser evil - a near angel, a hero of liberation. Mnangagwa, meanwhile, is burdened with every atrocity, including the Gukurahundi genocide. But historical narratives must be accurate. When it comes to the deaths of ZANU commanders before independence, many names are forgotten. Who remembers Dr. Edgar Madekurozva, a lecturer at a Zambian university? The methods of eliminating adversaries haven't changed.
I beg to differ: Mnangagwa did not murder Chitepo. While in Zambia, I heard from a credible source that Tongogara's murder was ordered by Dare reChimurenga - the presidium that unanimously sentenced Chitepo to death. It was an internal tribal conflict among Shona factions: Karangas, Manyikas, and Zezurus. The Zezurus demanded the presidency, which ultimately landed in Mugabe's lap. He exploited it fully. By the end of his rule, Mugabe viewed Shona people as expendable - he devoured them too. No tribe in Zimbabwe escaped Mugabe's wrath; only the scale differed.
It's equally true that Mnangagwa was Mugabe's enforcer, eliminating perceived threats to his presidency - especially in Mashonaland. Dr. Christopher Ishewokunze died in a suspicious car accident. Dr. Zvobgo died mysteriously. Several army officials were murdered. Then came Solomon Mujuru. Mnangagwa was the one Mugabe trusted to carry out these eliminations.
General Chiwenga reported directly to Mnangagwa, who was Minister of Security. The Fifth Brigade maimed, killed, bayoneted pregnant women, and abducted young girls to use as sex slaves. Catholic CCJP documents detail the destruction of livelihoods in Matabeleland and Midlands during the 1983 genocide. How does Miniyothando, a Ndebele woman, live daily beside a man responsible for such atrocities? He is her next skin. Just saying.
My concern is the sanitization of Chiwenga into a near-angel, like Tongogara. This impedes reconciliation between rival tribes. There's a deep insensitivity among Shonas regarding reconciliation with Ndebele people. It's difficult to separate Chiwenga from the genocide - he was one of its architects.
Language itself perpetuates tribal animosity. These binary tribal narratives are nurtured for political mileage. A "good Ndebele" is one who marries General Chiwenga; the rest are dissidents. Miniyothando Chiwenga has been elevated because of her marriage to the man who maimed and murdered Ndebele women in Matabeleland South. The irony is staggering. Women often nurture genocidists - Eva Braun stood by Adolf Hitler to the bitter end. They even committed suicide together, history tells us.
Social media and Shona commentators claim Chiwenga's leadership is better than Mnangagwa's. He's elevated as a saviour of Zimbabwe. But there's no evidence that Chiwenga is better. The two are one coin with two sides - cut from the same cloth. Yet opposition members who suffered human rights abuses in 2008 now claim Chiwenga is the "better evil."
How long will Ndebele people be used in ZANU PF's internal battles? Earlier this year, the Geza "revolution" invited ZPRA veterans to help unseat Mnangagwa. Some were even shown in a video broadcast, lending credibility to a revolution that never was. On the day of the uprising, Geza vanished - fleeing to Polokwane and leaving his allies vulnerable to ZANU PF retaliation.
Meanwhile, Sengezo Tshabangu is self-destructing. He's not politicking - he's committing political suicide.
There is nothing in Chiwenga's record that qualifies him to be Zimbabwe's third president. He failed multiple military exams after independence. His doctorate was ghostwritten. Naming the author would cost her every property she owns in Zimbabwe. Chiwenga's inability to read Mnangagwa's intentions during the coup transition shows poor intuition. Having worked with Mnangagwa for so long, he should never have trusted him. Even Mugabe advised him to take power himself and not hand it to Mnangagwa. This is what happens when our heads are thick.
It's clear Chiwenga is struggling to enforce his agreement with Mnangagwa. But the truth is: he will never be president. If he fails, it's good for Zimbabwe. We need someone better. Eventually, people will say "enough." The critical mass hasn't been reached yet. There is no viable opposition leadership on the ground. Any revolutionary movement needs honest, capable leadership. Chamisa is not that leader. He has survived this long in politics thanks to tribal affiliations. Good CCC leaders are suppressed by Nero - he won't allow them to rise.
The question is: how do we revive the Matabeleland spirit that has sunk so low? Devolution is the answer. Political leaders from Matabeleland must use their mandates to demand devolution. Without it, Mnangagwa will continue teasing the region with the incomplete Matabeleland Water Project - over a century overdue.
This region must begin thinking about development not from the central government, but at the regional level. We cannot wait indefinitely for ZANU PF to improve Matabeleland. Even Chamisa won't. He wants Ndebele votes to reach State House - but nothing beyond that.
Source - Nomazulu Thata
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