Democracy in Africa is not working, something fundamental must be done

Legal disputes making rounds in our social media were out of my pay grade: I could not participate in these loaded discussions adequately. My scant understanding of the proposed Constitution Amendment (No. 3) Bill is that Va Mnangagwa wants to extend his rule to 2030. Ten years is not enough, so he wants to continue. Va Mnangagwa did his homework long back when he corrupted Senator Sengezo Tshabangu by giving him the leadership of CCC opposition that decimated the opposition; followed by the rumours that Chamisa was given a brown envelope, silencing him forever in the political discourses that demand a vibrant opposition to counter the rise of absolute dictatorship of Va Mnangagwa.

So, after removing Advocate Jessie Majome from the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission (ZHRC), it was obvious that Va Mnangagwa would silence anyone who argues against this bill rationally. On one hand, he says he is a constitutionalist, but on the other hand, there are no indications of constitutionalism in his actions. Like many presidents in Africa, they want to cling on to power. The evidence on the ground is that they are failing the population. Curiously, Chiwenga wants to be the next, a candidate‑in‑waiting, worse than Mnangagwa. How do we rationalize this? If the proposed Constitution Amendment Bill (3) is passed, we are doomed; again, if it goes through, we are doomed. Constantine Chiwenga is not presidential material. It is for this reason we say democracy in Africa has dismally failed. African leaders are self‑serving. The people are disposables, rudely told just to clap hands for the BIG MAN.

Zimbabwe is a classic example of a failed democracy. Elections have been rigged since the independence of 1980, rigged in the glare of Lord Soames, who was mandated by the Tory government of Margaret Thatcher to oversee the ceasefire, which was to involve managing and assembling guerrilla forces (ZANLA/ZIPRA) and using existing Rhodesian security forces to maintain security, organizing and supervising the "free and fair" elections. ZANU‑PF, under Robert Mugabe, coerced the people of Mashonaland never to vote for ZAPU. ZANU‑PF has always won elections through rigging and intimidation.

The same scenario is playing out yet again with this Constitution Amendment (3) Bill. It is as if Mnangagwa has not learnt anything from Mugabe's demise. To force an extension of his rule will not end well for him. If Mugabe tried and failed, what makes Mnangagwa think he will succeed? What is taking place in Zimbabwe is not an isolated case; such violations of the constitution run across the continent. Whatever referendums they want to undertake are sham performances: the national constitution is sacrosanct, higher than the president.

The past five years, how many young people have perished trying to bring about change in Africa? When they stage peaceful uprisings, they are gunned down, causing untold carnage; when they migrate to faraway places looking for jobs, they face perilous obstacles such as hunger, dehydration in the Sahara Desert; they face abductions, are sold as slaves, forced into sex‑slavery in North African brothels, organ harvesting; the list is long. There are many who manage to reach Lampedusa, but are faced yet again with other obstacles; some are returned to their countries of origin. Only a few are allowed to enter EU space to be given menial jobs to survive a day. They can hardly remit back home with the salaries they get.

One classic example is the carnage that took place in Tanzania in 2025. It is estimated that about 3,000 deaths took place during the October elections, estimates made by Chadema opposition party and activists—a carnage that took place within five days. The opposition would know better because they have information on the ground. The AU President congratulated President Suluhu for the landslide election victory before he was officially briefed by his own AU delegation. This action is a clue about a disingenuous African leadership. Neighbouring countries, including Kenya, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Uganda, sent congratulatory greetings to Madam Suluhu, a leader that spilt so much blood. African leaders are cut from the same cloth. No national mourning was done to honour a major national catastrophic event.

Several scholars across Africa are of the opinion that democracy in Africa is a farce: the very scholars must come up with a trajectory altogether for the sake of the youth. African youth are not budgeted for in African economies; hence they want change. They must define what change they want to see; certainly not replacing one despot with another because of tribal affiliations. There is need to revolutionarily shake African thinking that has become redundant and tired. How do you envisage a President Chiwenga as a replacement for Mnangagwa? (In isiNdebele, sifuna udaka olutsha.)

We look up to South Africa where general elections have a modicum of "free and fairness." Scholar Prince Mashele wants to revolutionize South Africa in the 2029 elections. In several platforms, he has passionately spoken about a change in governance, whereby technocracy would replace paltry party politics. He convincingly argues that ANC has dismally failed because officials have no political and economic prowess and acumen, miseducated to govern South Africa whose economics is synergically advanced. He wants a South Africa that will suspend general elections for a period of 15 years; he says democracy in South Africa is not working and has never worked in African independence governments from colonial rule.

Prince Mashele's points are valid. African governments spend two years singing semi‑literate slogans: electioneering for elections they will have won two years ago, but are electioneering for the coming elections in three years' time. When election time comes, the youth are met with brute force to silence those who do not agree with the incumbent regime that insists on remaining in power permanently, as is the case with President Mnangagwa, resulting in carnage as was the situation in the People's Republic of Tanzania.

In Zimbabwe we have seen Professor Ibbo Mandaza's office bombed, Professor Madhuku physically assaulted, Advocate Fungai Jessie Majome demoted for a ZHRC report criticizing the conduct of public hearings regarding outreach of Constitution Amendment Bill (3). The main reason for demotion was Advocate Majome's ZHRC report of widespread irregularities: participants were subjected to harassment, intimidation, and naked violence perpetrated by ZANU‑PF youth. The document reports that people's participation was controlled and access to the venue was restricted and monitored by ZANU youth. The ZHRC objective assessment cost Advocate Majome her post. This cannot be democracy, but fantastical—perhaps in the African continent only.

Democracy in Africa is an ideology packaged by colonialists, never existed in precolonial African settings. Bishop Joshua Maponga concurs with this in several social media speeches. It is not a surprise that democratic processes are abjectly failing.

World Bank statistics estimate that by the year 2063, the demographics in Africa will be about 3.2 billion; about 70% will be youth under the age of 35 years. About 200 million youth will be potential migrants to Europe and elsewhere. Are African governments preparing the future of this large youth demographic, securing a future for them here in Africa?

Which African government is implementing the 2030 SDGs? Agenda 63 needs to be addressed. We are in the year 2026, four years to reach 2030: there is painfully nothing on the ground that shows urgency that African countries are targeting strategic SDG goals to meet youth demands, let alone Agenda 63.